Yan Shi Jia Xun (顏氏家訓)

顔氏家訓雜家類一【雜學之屬】提要

Yan shi jia xun (Family Instructions of the Yan Clan), Miscellaneous Writings, Category One [Miscellaneous Learning]. Summary.

【臣】等謹案顔氏家訓二卷舊本題北齊黃門侍郎顔之推撰考陸法言切韻序作於隋仁夀中所列同定八人之推與焉則實終於隋代舊本所題葢據作書之時也陳振孫書録解題雲古今家訓以此為祖然李翶所稱太公家訓雖屬偽書至杜預家誡之類則在前久矣特之推所撰卷帙較多耳晁公武讀書志雲之推本梁人所著凡二十篇述立身治家之法辨正時俗之謬以訓子孫今觀其書大抵於世故人情深明利害而能文之以經訓故唐志宋志俱列之儒家然其中歸心等篇深明因果不出當時好佛之習又兼論字畫音訓並考正典故品第文藝曼衍旁涉不専為一家之言今特退之雜家從其類焉又是書隋志不著録唐志宋志俱作七卷今本乃止二卷錢曾讀書敏求記載有宋鈔淳熈七年嘉興沈揆本七卷以閣本蜀本及天台謝氏所校五代和凝本叅定末附考證二十三條別為一卷且力斥流俗併為二卷之非今沈本不可復見無由知其分卷之舊姑從明人刋本録之然其文既無異同則卷帙分合亦為細故惟考證一卷佚之為可惜耳乾隆四十二年十月恭校上

Your servants respectfully note: the Yan shi jia xun, in two fascicles, is attributed in the old edition to Yan Zhitui, Attendant Gentleman of the Yellow Gate of the Northern Qi. On examination, Lu Fayan's preface to the Qieyun was written in the Renshou era of the Sui, and among the eight men listed as jointly deciding it is Yan Zhitui; so he actually died in the Sui, and the attribution in the old edition was probably based on the time the book was written. Chen Zhensun's Shulu jieti says: of all family instructions, ancient and modern, this book is the ancestor. However, although the Taigong jia xun that Li Ao mentioned is a forgery, works like Du Yu's Jia jie came long before this book; it is only that Yan Zhitui's composition has more fascicles. Chao Gongwu's Dushu zhi says: Yan Zhitui was originally a man of Liang; the work has twenty chapters in all, describing the methods of establishing oneself and managing a household and correcting the errors of contemporary custom, used to admonish his descendants. Looking at this book now, it is for the most part deeply clear about the advantages and drawbacks of worldly affairs and human feeling, and also adorns them with the teachings of the classics, so the Tang zhi and Song zhi both list it under the Confucian school. However, chapters such as "Guixin" deeply explain cause and effect and do not escape the prevailing fondness for Buddhism of that time; it also discusses the shape of characters and the sounds and meanings of words, verifies allusions, and ranks literary works, sprawling and branching out, and is not the words of a single school. Now I have deliberately moved it down to the Miscellaneous school, following its category. Also, this book is not recorded in the Sui zhi, and the Tang zhi and Song zhi both give seven fascicles, while the present edition has only two. Qian Zeng's Dushu min qiu ji records a Song copy of seven fascicles, the 1180 Jiaxing edition of Shen Kui, compared and settled using the Palace edition, the Shu edition, and the edition of He Ning of the Five Dynasties collated by Mr. Xie of Tiantai, with twenty-three notes of verification appended at the end as a separate fascicle, and it strongly criticizes as wrong the common practice of combining it into two fascicles. Now the Shen edition can no longer be seen, and there is no way to know its original division into fascicles, so I tentatively follow the Ming printed edition in recording it. Yet since the wording shows no differences, the division or combination of fascicles is a minor matter; only that the fascicle of verification is lost is truly a pity. Respectfully collated and submitted in the tenth month of the forty-second year of Qianlong.

隋顔之推

Yan Zhitui of the Sui dynasty. [The source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription.]

夫聖贒之書教人誠孝慎言檢跡立身名亦已備矣魏晉以來所著諸子理重事逓相模斆猶屋下架屋床上施床耳吾今所以復為此者非敢軌物範世也業以整齊門內提撕子孫夫同言而信信其所親同命而行行其所服禁童子之暴謔則師友之誡不如婢之指揮止凡人之鬭防則堯舜之道不如寡妻之誨諭吾望此書為汝曹之所信猶賢於傳婢寡妻耳吾家風教素為整宻昔在齠齓便防誨誘每從兩兄曉夕溫凊規行矩步安辭定色鏘鏘翼翼若朝嚴君焉賜以優言問所好尚勵短引長莫不懇篤年始九嵗便丁荼蓼家徒離散百口索然慈兄鞠養苦辛備至有仁無威導示不切雖讀禮傳微愛屬文頗為凡人之所陶染肆欲輕言不備邊幅年十八九少知砥礪習若自然卒難洗盪二十以後大過稀焉每常心共口敵性與情競夜覺曉非今悔昨失自憐無教以至於斯追思平昔之指銘肌鏤骨非徒古書之誡經目過耳故留此二十篇以為汝曹後範耳

The books of the sages and worthies teach sincerity and filial devotion, caution in speech, care in conduct, and how to establish oneself. [The source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription.] Name, and it is already complete. The works of the masters composed since the Wei and Jin repeat the same principles and [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] matters, and imitate one another, like building a house under a house or piling a bed upon a bed. The reason I now write this again is that I do not dare offer it to the world as a model or to the realm as a standard; it is only to put order in my own household and to rouse my descendants. The same words are believed from one person because people trust those they are close to; the same order is carried out by one person because people obey those they respect. To stop a child's rough teasing, the warnings of teachers and friends are not as good as [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] a maidservant's instructions; to stop quarrels among ordinary people [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription], the principles of Yao and Shun are not as good as the teachings of one's own wife. I hope this book will be trusted by you even more than a maidservant's or a wife's word. My family's customs and teachings were always orderly and strict. In my childhood [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] I was instructed, and I was always with my two elder brothers, warming and cooling the bed morning and evening, walking and acting with propriety, speaking and composing my face calmly, and moving with stately care as if attending a stern lord. Good words were granted, my likes were asked about, my shortcomings were made up and my strengths drawn out, and in all this there was nothing that was not earnest and sincere. When I was just nine I suffered the death of both parents, the family fell apart and scattered, and the household of a hundred was desolate. My kind elder brother raised me, going through every hardship; he had benevolence but no stern authority, and his guidance and instruction were not urgent enough. Though I read the ritual commentaries and rather liked to write essays, I was greatly influenced by ordinary people, indulging my desires, speaking carelessly, and not tidying my appearance. Only at eighteen or nineteen did I begin to know a little discipline; but habit had become like nature itself and in the end was hard to wash away. After twenty, my great faults became rarer. Often my mind and my mouth opposed each other, and my nature and my feelings fought; at night I realized the errors of the morning, and today I regretted the faults of yesterday, pitying myself that I had not been taught and so had come to this. Recalling my aspirations of earlier days, it is engraved in my flesh and bones, not merely admonitions of ancient books passing before the eye and the ear. So I have left these twenty chapters as a standard for you in future days.

上智不教而成下愚雖教無益中庸之人不教不知也古者聖王有胎教之法懷子三月出居別宮目不邪視耳不妄聴音聲滋味以禮節之書之玉版藏諸金櫃子生咳防師保固明仁智禮義導習之矣凡庶縱不能爾當撫嬰稚識人顔色知人喜怒便加教誨使為則為使止則止比及數嵗可省笞罰父母威嚴而有慈則子女畏慎而生孝矣吾見世間無教而有愛每不能然飲食運為恣其所欲宜誡翻奬應訶反笑至有識知謂法當耳驕慢已習方複製之捶撻至死而無威忿怒日隆而增怨逮於成長終為敗德孔子云少成若天性習慣如自然是也俗諺曰教婦初來教兒嬰孩誠哉斯語凡人不能教子女者亦非欲陷其罪惡但重於訶怒傷其顔色不忍楚撻慘其肌膚耳當以疾病為諭安得不用湯藥針艾救之哉又宜思勤督訓者可願苛虐於骨肉乎誠不得已也王大司馬母魏夫人性甚嚴正王在湓城時為三千人將年逾四十少不如意猶捶撻之故能成其勲業梁元帝時有一學士聦敏有才為父所寵失於教義一言之是徧於行路終年譽之一行之非揜藏文飾冀其自改年登防宦暴慢日滋竟以言語不擇為周逖抽腸釁鼓雲父子之嚴不可以狎骨肉之愛不可以簡簡則慈孝不接狎則怠慢生焉由命士以上父子異宮此不狎之道也抑搔癢痛縣衾篋枕此不簡之教也或問曰陳亢喜聞君子之逺其子何謂也對曰有是也蓋君子之不親教其子也詩有諷刺之詞禮有嫌疑之誡書有悖亂之事春秋有褒僻之譏易有備物之象皆非父子之可通言故不親授耳【其意見白虎通】齊武成帝子琅瑘王太子母弟也生而聰慧帝及後並篤愛之衣服飲食與東宮相凖帝每面稱之曰此黠兒也當有所成及太子即位王居別宮禮數優僣不與諸王等太后猶謂不足常以為言年十許嵗驕恣無節器服玩好必擬乘輿常朝南殿見典御進新氷鉤盾獻早李還索不得遂大怒訽曰至尊已有我何意無不知分齊率皆如此識者多有叔段州籲之譏後嫌宰相遂矯詔斬之又懼有救乃勒麾下軍士防守殿門既無反心受勞而罷後竟坐此幽薨人之愛子罕亦能均自古及今此多矣賢俊者自可賞愛頑魯者亦當矜憐有偏寵者雖欲以厚之更所以禍之共叔之死母實為之趙王之戮父實使之劉表之傾宗覆族袁紹之地裂兵亡可為靈明鑑也齊朝有一士大夫嘗謂吾曰我有一兒年已十七頗曉書防教其鮮卑語及彈琵琶稍欲通解以此伏事公卿無不寵愛亦要事也吾時俛而不答異哉此人之教子也若由此業自致卿相亦不願汝曹為之

The highest wisdom needs no teaching to succeed, the lowest stupidity gains no benefit even with teaching, and the middling do not know without being taught. In ancient times the sage kings had a method of prenatal instruction: when the queen was three months pregnant she moved to live in a separate palace, her eyes did not look askance, her ears did not listen carelessly, and sounds and flavors were all regulated by ritual, recorded on jade tablets and kept in a golden chest. When the child was born and coughed [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription], teachers and guardians firmly guided his learning with benevolence, wisdom, ritual, and righteousness. Though ordinary families cannot do this, they should begin instructing a baby once he can recognize faces and know when people are pleased or angry, letting him do what he is told to do and stop when told to stop, and by the time he is a few years old, flogging can be used less. When parents are stern and also loving, children are respectful and cautious and so become filial. I see that in the world there are those who give no instruction but only dote, and they often cannot do this: letting him indulge in what he wants in food and drink, rewarding when they should warn, laughing when they should scold, and when he has gained knowledge he thinks that rules are meant to be so; when arrogance has already been formed they then try to stop it, and even beating him to death will give no authority, and anger grows daily but only increases resentment, and when he is grown, he in the end ruins his virtue. Confucius said: "What is formed in youth is like nature, and habit is like what is natural." This is it. A proverb says: "Teach a wife when she first arrives, teach a son when he is an infant." These words are true. All those who cannot teach their children are not wishing them to fall into wrongdoing, but find it hard to scold or be angry, afraid of hurting their feelings, and cannot bear to flog them and cause pain to their flesh. This should be compared to illness: how can one not use decoctions, needles, and moxa to cure it? And one should also think of those who are diligent in supervising and training: are they willing to be harsh and cruel to their own flesh and blood? It truly cannot be helped. Wang the Grand Marshal's mother, Lady Wei, was very strict and upright; when Wang Sengbian was at Penchen as a general of three thousand men, he was over forty, yet if the least thing displeased her she still had him flogged, and so he was able to achieve distinguished service. In the time of Emperor Yuan of Liang there was a scholar, intelligent and talented, doted on by his father and failing to be taught the right way: if he said one thing right, it was spread to passersby and praised all year; if he did one thing wrong, it was covered up and glossed over in the hope he would correct himself. When he rose to [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] office, his violence and arrogance grew worse day by day, and in the end because of careless words he was disemboweled by Zhou Ti and had his blood used to consecrate a drum. Therefore it is said: between father and son, sternness must not be turned into familiarity, and the love between flesh and blood must not be treated casually. Casualness blocks kindness and filial devotion from connecting, and overfamiliarity gives birth to disrespect. From the rank of ming shi upward, father and son lived apart in separate residences; this is the method of not being overfamiliar. Rubbing and scratching where it itches or hurts, hanging up the quilts and pillows, and tidying the boxes: these are the instructions for not being casual. Someone asked: Chen Kang was pleased to hear that the gentleman keeps his son at a distance; what does it mean? Answer: There is such a principle. It is probably that the gentleman does not personally teach his own son. The Book of Songs has satirical words, the Book of Rites has warnings about suspicion, the Book of Documents has matters of rebellion and disorder, the Spring and Autumn Annals has censures that praise and blame the crooked, and the Book of Changes has the images of preparing things; none of these can be spoken of between father and son, and so he does not personally transmit them [this meaning is found in the Baihu tong]. Prince Langye, son of Emperor Wucheng of Qi, was the full younger brother of the crown prince, born intelligent, and loved by both emperor and empress, with clothing and food equal to the Eastern Palace. The emperor often praised him face to face: "This is a shrewd and clever child, who should accomplish something." When the crown prince took the throne, the prince lived in a separate palace, with ritual honors that exceeded his rank and were not equal to those of the other princes, and the empress dowager still felt it was not enough and often brought it up. At the age of ten or so he was arrogant and without restraint, and his vessels, clothes, and playthings had to match the emperor's. Once, attending court at the South Hall, he saw the master of food bringing fresh ice and the keeper of gardens presenting early plums; on returning he asked for some and was refused, and in great anger he demanded: "His Majesty already has them; why do I not?" Not knowing his proper rank or equality, he was mostly like this. Those with insight often compared him to Gong Shuduan or Zhou Xu. Later, hating the chancellor, he forged an edict and had him beheaded, and fearing someone would come to rescue him, he ordered the soldiers under his command to guard the palace gates. Since he had no intention of rebellion, he stopped after being reassured, but later he died in confinement because of this. People's love for their sons is rarely equal; from ancient times to now this [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] has been so, and many. The worthy and outstanding can naturally be favored and loved, but the dull and slow should also be pitied. Those who show partiality, though wishing to treat the child generously, instead harm him thereby. Gong Shu's death was actually caused by his mother; the killing of Prince Ru Yi of Zhao was actually brought about by his father; Liu Biao brought ruin on his clan and Yuan Shao lost his land and army because of this, and these can serve as a clear mirror. [The source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription.] A scholar-official of the Qi dynasty once said to me: "I have a son, now seventeen, very well versed in writing [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription]; I teach him Xianbei language and the pipa, and now he understands them somewhat; by using these to serve the high ministers, there are none who do not favor him, and it is also an important matter." I lowered my head and did not answer at the time. How strange, that this man teaches his son in this way! Even if one could become a minister by this kind of study, I would not wish you to do it.

夫有人民而後有夫婦有夫婦而後有父子有父子而後有兄弟一家之親此三而已矣自茲以往至於九族皆本於三親焉故於人倫為重者也不可不篤兄弟者分形連氣之人也方其防也父母左提右挈前襟後裾食則同案衣則服學則連業遊則共方雖有悖亂之人不能不相愛也及其壯也各妻其妻各子其子雖有篤厚之人不能不少衰也娣姒之比兄弟則踈薄矣今使踈薄之人而節量親厚之恩猶方底而圓葢必不合矣唯友悌深至不為傍人之所移者免夫二親既歿兄弟相顧當如形之與影聲之與響愛先人之遺體惜已身之分氣非兄弟何念哉兄弟之際異於他人望深則易怨地親則易弭譬猶居室一穴則塞之一隙則塗之則無頽毀之慮如雀防之不防風雨之不防壁防楹淪無可救矣僕妾之為雀防妻子之為風雨甚哉兄弟不睦則子侄不愛子侄不愛則群從防薄群從防薄則僮防為讎敵矣如此則行路皆踖其面而蹈其心誰救之哉人或交天下之士皆有歡愛而失敬於兄者何其能多而不能少也人或將數萬之師得其死力而失恩於弟者何其能踈而不能親也娣姒者多爭之地也使骨肉居之亦不若各歸四海感霜露而相思佇日月之相望也況以行路之人處多爭之地能無間者鮮矣所以然者以其當公務而執私情處重責而懷薄義也若能恕已而行換子而撫則此患不生矣人之事兄不可同於事父何為愛弟不及愛子乎是反照而不明也沛國劉璡嘗與兄瓛連棟隔壁瓛呼之數聲不應良久方答瓛怪問之乃雲向來未著衣帽故也以此事兄可以免矣江陵王紹弟孝英子敏兄弟三人特相愛友所得甘防新異非共聚食必不先嚐孜孜色貌相見如不足者及西臺防沒紹以形體魁梧為兵所圍二弟爭共抱持各求代死終不得解遂並命爾

When there were people, then there were husband and wife; when there were husband and wife, then there were father and son; when there were father and son, then there were brothers. The kinship of one household is just these three relations. From here onward up to the nine degrees of kin, all are rooted in the three kinships. Therefore among human relations they are the most important and must not fail to be treated warmly. Brothers are people who share one form and are linked by one breath. When they [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription], their parents held them by the left and right hands, they clung to the front lapel and back hem, ate at the same table, and clothes were [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] worn, they studied together, shared tasks, and played in the same places; even a rebellious person cannot help but love them. When they reach their prime, each marries his own wife and loves his own children, and even the warm-hearted cannot help but cool somewhat. Sisters-in-law are more distant than brothers. To have the distant measure the affection of the close is like fitting a square base to a round lid, which surely will not match. Only those whose friendship and brotherly respect are deep and who are not moved by outsiders can avoid this. Once both parents have died, brothers should look after each other like form and shadow, sound and echo. Loving the body left by the late parents and cherishing the qi apportioned to oneself, who else is there to care about if not one's brothers? Brothers are unlike other people: expectations are deep, so resentment comes easily; being near, it is also easily dissolved. It is like a house: if you stop up each hole and plaster each crack, there is no worry of collapse; but if sparrows and rats [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] and wind and rain are not guarded against, the walls [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] and pillars sink and nothing can be saved. Servants and concubines are the sparrows and rats, and wives are the wind and rain; how harmful they are! When brothers are not in harmony, nephews do not love each other; when nephews do not love each other, cousins are [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] cold; when cousins are cold, servants and children become enemies. In such a case, even passersby can trample on one's face and step on one's heart, and who will rescue him? Some make friends with the gentlemen of all the world and have affection with all, yet fail in respect to their elder brother; why can one be good to the many but not to the few? Some command armies of tens of thousands and obtain their utmost efforts, yet lack kindness to a younger brother; why can one be good to the distant but not to the near? Sisters-in-law are a place of many quarrels. Even if flesh and blood live together, it is not as good as each going off to the four seas, feeling frost and dew and longing for each other, waiting through the sun and moon and looking toward each other. How much more, putting passersby in a place of many quarrels, few can be without friction. The reason it is so is that while handling public duties one clings to private feelings, and while bearing weighty responsibility one holds a slight sense of duty. If one can act with a heart that forgives oneself, and swap places to care for the other's children, this trouble will not arise. A person cannot serve his elder brother the same as his father; why then does he love his younger brother less than his own child? This is reflecting but not seeing clearly. Liu Jin of Pei state once lived next door in the same building with his elder brother Liu [a rare character in the source text]; when Liu called several times and got no answer, it was a long time before he answered. Liu asked him strangely, and he said he had not yet put on his clothes and cap. Serving an elder brother in this way, one can avoid failing in propriety. The Prince of Jiangling [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] Shao He and his younger brothers Xiaoying and Zimin, three brothers in all, loved and befriended each other especially; when they received sweet [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] or novel things, they never tasted them first unless they were eating together, and their eager looks on seeing each other always seemed insufficient. When the Western Terrace [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] fell, [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] Shao was surrounded by soldiers because of his large build, and his two younger brothers competed to hold him together, each begging to die in his place, and in the end they could not get free and all died together.

吉甫賢父也伯竒孝子也賢父御孝子合得終於天性而後妻間之伯竒遂放曾參婦死謂其子曰吾不及吉甫汝不及伯竒王駿喪妻亦謂人曰我不及曾參子不如曽元並終身不娶此等足以為誡其後假繼慘虐孤遺離間骨肉傷心斷腸者何可勝數慎之哉慎之哉江右不諱庶孽喪室之後多以妾媵終家事疥癬蚊防或未能免限以大分故稀鬭鬩之恥河北鄙於側出不預人流是以必須重娶至於三四母年有少於子者後母之弟與前婦之兄衣服飲食爰及婚宦至於士庶貴賤之隔俗以為常身沒之後辭訟盈公門謗辱彰道路子誣母為妾弟黜兄為傭播先人之辭跡暴露祖考之長短以求直已者往往而有悲夫自古奸臣佞妾以一言陷人者眾矣況夫婦之義曉夕移之婢防求容助相説引積年累月安有孝子乎此不可不畏凡庸之性後夫多寵前夫之孤後妻必虐前妻之子非唯婦人懷嫉妬之情丈夫有沈惑之僻亦事勢使之然也前夫之孤不敢與我子爭家提攜鞠養積習生愛故寵之前妻之子每居己生之上宦學婚嫁莫不為防焉故虐之異姓寵則父母被怨繼親虐則兄弟為讎家有此者皆門戶之禍也思魯等從舅殷外臣博達之士也有子基諶皆已成立而再取王氏基每拜見後母感慕嗚咽不能自持家人莫忍仰視王亦悽愴不知所容旬月求退便以禮遣此亦悔事也後漢書曰安帝時汝南薛包字孟嘗好學篤行喪母以至孝聞及父娶後妻而憎包分出之包日夜號泣不能去至被毆杖不得已廬於舍外旦入而灑掃父怒又逐之乃廬於里門昬晨不廢積嵗餘父母慙而還之後行六年服喪過乎哀既而弟子求分財異居包不能止乃中分其財奴婢引其老者曰與我共事久若不能使也田廬取其荒頓者曰吾少時所理意所戀也器物取其朽敗者曰我素所服食身口所安也弟子數破其產還復賑給建光中公車特徵至拜侍中包性恬虛稱疾不起以死自乞有詔賜告歸也

Jifu was a worthy father and Boqi was a filial son. A worthy father governing a filial son should have let him live out his natural span, yet the later wife sowed discord between them, and Boqi was thus banished. When Zeng Shen's wife died, he said to his son: "I am not equal to Jifu, and you are not equal to Boqi." When Wang Jun's wife died, he also said to others: "I am not equal to Zeng Shen, and my son is not equal to Zeng Yuan." Both never remarried for the rest of their lives. These are enough to serve as warnings. Since then, how could one count all the stepmothers who cruelly mistreated orphans, sowed discord among flesh and blood, and broke people's hearts? Be careful, be careful! In Jiangyou they do not avoid mentioning concubine-born sons; after losing a wife they often use concubines to manage household affairs, and the troubles like scabies and mosquito bites [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] may not be avoided, but because of limits of status there is rarely the shame of brawling. North of the river, side-born children are despised and not allowed into the ranks of people, and so one must remarry, even three or four times, and the stepmother's age may be even younger than the sons'. Between the stepmother's younger brother and the elder brother of the former wife, in clothes and food and even marriage and official careers, there are sometimes separations like those between scholars and commoners, noble and base, and custom regards this as natural. After one's own death, lawsuits fill the government gates, slander and insult are plain on the road, the son falsely calls his mother a concubine, the younger brother demotes his elder to a servant, spreading [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] the former parent's gossip and exposing the faults of forebears to claim to be in the right oneself, which often happens; how sad! Since ancient times, treacherous ministers and flattering concubines have harmed people with a single word in many cases, how much more when the principle between husband and wife is changed by them morning and evening. Maidservants [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] seeking favor, bringing in and recommending each other, accumulating over years and months, where is there any filial son left? This must be feared. In ordinary natures, a later husband mostly favors the orphans of the former husband, and a later wife is sure to mistreat the sons of the former wife. It is not merely that women hold jealous feelings or that husbands have a doting and deluded character, it is also the force of circumstances that makes them so. The former husband's orphan does not dare to contest the household with my son; by raising and nurturing him, with habit giving rise to love, he is favored. The former wife's son is often ranked above one's own children, and in official career, studies, marriage, and weddings there is nothing that is not [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] for him, so he is mistreated. When someone of another surname is favored, the parents are resented; when stepparents mistreat, siblings become enemies. Households in which this occurs are all the disaster of the family. The maternal uncle of Silu and others, Yin Waichen, was a broad and learned man, and had sons Ji and Chen who were both established; yet he remarried Lady Wang. Each time Ji came to pay respects to his stepmother, he was moved by longing and sobbed, unable to control himself, and the household could not bear to look up; Lady Wang too was miserable and did not know where to put herself, and within a month she asked to leave, and he sent her back in accordance with ritual. This too was something to regret. The Hou Han shu says: In the time of Emperor An, Xue Bao of Runan, style name Mengchang, loved learning and was sincere in conduct, and was known for extreme filial devotion on the death of his mother. When his father took a later wife and hated Xue Bao and wanted to send him away, Xue Bao wept day and night and could not leave, even to the point of being beaten with a staff; in the end, having no choice, he built a hut outside the house, and entered in the morning to sweep and clean; his father got angry and drove him off again, so he built a hut at the village gate and did not neglect his duty morning and evening. After more than a year, his parents felt ashamed and let him return. Later he observed a six-year mourning, going beyond what grief required. Soon his nephews asked to divide the property and live apart, and Xue Bao could not prevent it, so he divided the property equally: he took the old servants, saying they had worked with him long and the younger ones could not make use of them; he took the abandoned fields and houses, saying he had managed them in his youth and was attached to them; he took the rotten utensils, saying he had always used them and they were what his body and mouth were comfortable with. His nephews several times ruined their holdings, and he gave them relief again. In the Jianguang era he was specially summoned by public carriage and appointed Palace Attendant. Xue Bao was serene and modest by nature and pleaded illness and did not rise, begging for death for himself, and an edict granted him leave to return home.

夫風化者自上而行於下者也自先而施於後者也是以父不慈則子不孝兄不友則弟不恭夫不義則婦不順矣父慈而子逆兄友而弟傲夫義而婦陵則天之防民乃刑戮之所攝非訓導之所移也笞怒廢於家則竪子之過立見刑罰不中則民無所措手足治家之寛猛亦猶國焉孔子曰奢則不遜儉則固與其不遜也寧固又云雖有周公之才之美使驕且吝其餘不足觀也已然則可儉而不可吝也儉者省約為禮之謂也吝者窮急不防之謂也今有奢則施儉則吝如能施而不奢儉而不恡可矣生民之本要當稼穡而食桑麻以衣蔬果之蓄園塲之所產雞豚之善塒圏之所生爰及棟宇器械樵蘇脂燭莫非種殖之物也至能守其業者閉門而為生之具以足但家無鹽井耳今北土風俗率能躬儉節用以贍衣食江南奢侈多不逮焉梁孝元世有中書舍人治家失度而過嚴刻妻妾遂共貨刺客伺醉而殺之世間名士但務寛仁至於飲食饟饋僮防減損施惠然諾妻子節量狎侮賓客侵耗鄉黨此亦為家之巨蠧矣齊吏部侍郎房文烈未嘗嗔怒經霖雨絶糧遣婢糴米因爾逃竄三四許日方復擒之房徐曰舉家無食汝何處來竟無捶撻嘗寄人宅奴婢徹屋為薪略盡聞之顰蹙卒無一言裴子野有踈親故屬飢寒不能自濟者皆收養之家素清貧時逄水旱二石米為薄粥僅得遍焉躬自同之常無厭色鄴下有一領軍貪積已甚家童八百誓滿一千朝夕餚膳以十五錢為率遇有客旅更無以兼後坐事伏法籍其家產麻鞋一屋衣數庫其餘財寳不可勝言南陽有人為生奧博性殊儉吝冬至後女壻謁之乃設一銅甌酒數臠麞肉壻恨其單率一舉盡之主人愕然俛仰命益如此者再退而責其女曰某郎好酒故汝嘗貧及其死後諸子爭財兄遂殺弟婦主中饋唯事酒食衣服之禮耳國不可使預政家不可使幹蠱如有聰明才智識達古今正當輔佐君子助其不足必無牝雞晨鳴以致禍也江東婦女略無交逰其婚姻之家或十數年間未相識者唯以信命贈遺致殷勤焉鄴下風俗専以婦持門戶爭訟曲直造請逢迎車乘填街衢綺羅盈府寺代子求官為夫訴屈此乃恆代之遺風乎南間貧素皆事外飾車乘衣服必貴齊整家人妻子不免飢寒河北人事多由內政綺羅金翠不可廢闕羸馬顇奴僅充而已唱和之禮或爾汝之河北婦人織絍組紃之事黼黻錦繡羅綺之工大優於江東也太公曰養女太多一費也陳蕃雲盜不過五女之門女之為累亦以深矣然天生蒸民先人傳體其如之何世人多不舉女賊行骨肉豈當如此而望福於天乎吾有防親家饒妓媵誕育將及便遣閽豎守之體有不安窺窻倚戸若生女者輒持將去母隨號泣莫敢救之使人不忍聞也婦人之性率寵子壻而虐兒婦寵壻則兄弟之怨生焉虐婦則姊妹之讒行焉然則女之行留皆得罪於其家者母實為之至有諺雲落索阿姑飡此其相報也家之常可不誡哉婚姻素對靖侯成規近世嫁娶遂有賣女納財買婦輸絹比量父祖計校錙銖責多還少市井無異或猥壻在門或傲婦擅室貪榮求利反招羞恥可不慎歟借人典籍皆須愛護先有缺壞就為補治此亦士大夫百行之一也濟陽江祿讀書未竟雖有急速必待卷束整齊然後得起故無損敗人不猒其求假焉或有狼籍几案分散部帙多為童幼婢妾之所防汙風雨蟲防之所毀傷實為累德吾每讀聖人之書未嘗不肅敬對之其故紙有五經詞義及賢達姓名不敢穢用也吾家巫覡禱請絶於言議符書章醮亦無祈焉竝汝曹所見也勿妖妄之費

Moral influence proceeds from above to below and from earlier to later. Therefore if the father is not kind, the son is not filial; if the elder brother is not friendly, the younger brother is not respectful; if the husband is not righteous, the wife is not compliant. If the father is kind yet the son rebels, the elder brother is friendly yet the younger is arrogant, and the husband is righteous yet the wife overrides him, these are people [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] of Heaven, who must be subdued by punishment and execution, and cannot be changed by instruction. If a household abandons flogging and anger, the faults of the servants appear at once; if punishment is not appropriate, the people have nowhere to put their hands and feet. Leniency and severity in managing a household are like those in governing a state. Confucius said: "Extravagance leads to arrogance, thrift leads to rigidity; better to be rigid than arrogant." He also said: "Even with the talent and beauty of the Duke of Zhou, if one is arrogant and stingy, the rest is not worth looking at." So one may be thrifty but must not be stingy. Thrift means economy as a form of ritual propriety, while stinginess means [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] in times of need. Today some are generous in giving when extravagant and stingy when thrifty; if one can give without extravagance and be thrifty without stinginess, that will do. The root of the people's life should be to eat by farming and to wear clothes of mulberry and hemp. The stored vegetables and fruits are the produce of garden and field, the fat chickens and pigs come from the coops and pens, and even the beams and utensils, firewood, fodder, fat, and candles are all things that are planted. As for those who can hold on to their estates, behind closed doors the tools for sustaining life are sufficient; it is only that the household has no salt well. Nowadays the customs of the northern lands mostly manage to be thrifty and economical to supply clothing and food; in Jiangnan, with its extravagance, many cannot match them. In the time of Emperor Xiaoyuan of Liang, there was a Secretariat official who managed his household without measure and was overly harsh; his wives and concubines together bribed an assassin and killed him while he was drunk. Famous scholars of the world strive only for leniency and benevolence, so that food and gifts are diminished by servants [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription], and favors and promises are limited by one's wife, treating guests with disrespect and wasting the resources of the neighborhood; this too is a great pest in household management. Fang Wenlie, Vice Minister of Personnel of Qi, never lost his temper; once in a continuous rain when provisions ran out, he sent a maidservant to buy rice, and she fled because of it and was caught only after three or four days. Fang said slowly: "The whole family had nothing to eat; where did you come from?" He did not even flog her. Once he lent his house to someone, and the servants tore down the house for firewood and nearly demolished it; when he heard, he only frowned and never said a word. Pei Ziye had distant relatives and former subordinates who were hungry and cold and could not support themselves, and he took them all in. His household had always been poor, and when floods and droughts came, two shi of rice made into thin gruel was barely enough to go around, and he ate it along with them, and often showed no displeasure. In Yexia there was a commander whose greed for accumulation was extreme, with eight hundred household servants and sworn to reach a thousand; daily meals were allotted at fifteen coins on average, and when guests and travelers came there was no addition. Later he was convicted of a crime and executed, and his household property was confiscated: a whole room of hemp sandals, [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription], a storeroom of clothes and stands, and the rest of his treasures were beyond counting. In Nanyang there was a man who managed his livelihood in a deep and broad way, and was especially thrifty and stingy by nature. After the winter solstice his son-in-law came to pay his respects, and he laid out only one bronze cup of wine and a few slices of roe deer meat. The son-in-law resented his meagerness and casualness and drank it all in one go. The host was startled, and in the time of a nod ordered more wine, and this happened twice. Afterward he rebuked his daughter, saying: "Master so-and-so likes wine, so you are always poor." After he died, his sons fought over the property and the elder brother even killed the younger. A woman presiding over the household meals should only manage the rites of food, drink, and clothing. A state must not let her take part in government, and a household must not let her run the household. If she has intelligence and talent and understands past and present, she should assist her husband and make up for his lack, and must never be a hen that crows at dawn and brings disaster. Women of Jiangdong hardly ever socialize; families related by marriage may not know each other for ten years or more, and only show their goodwill by letters and gifts. The custom in Yexia is for women alone to take charge of the household, contending over right and wrong in lawsuits and going to call on and cultivate officials, with carriages filling the streets and silks filling the offices, seeking official positions for sons and pleading injustice for husbands; is this a remnant of the customs of Hengdai? In the south, poor and plain families all emphasize outward ornament, and carriages and clothes must be neat, while the family's wives cannot avoid hunger and cold; in Hebei most affairs are decided by the inner household, and silks, gold, and kingfisher feathers cannot be lacking, while thin horses and worn-out servants are merely there to fill the number. In the rites of mutual response, they sometimes address each other as "you" and "thou". Hebei women's work in weaving, braiding, and the craftsmanship of embroidered, brocaded, and silk fabrics greatly surpasses Jiangdong's. Taigong said: "Raising too many daughters is a burden." Chen Fan said: "Thieves do not pass the gate of a house with five daughters." The burden of daughters is deep enough. Yet Heaven produces the multitudes of the people, and it is a body passed down by the forebears, so what can be done? People of the world often do not raise daughters, killing their own flesh and blood; should one who does so expect blessings from Heaven? I have a [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] relative whose household has many singing girls and concubines; when the birth was due he sent a gatekeeper to watch, and at the slightest discomfort he peered through the window and leaned on the door, and if a girl was born she was carried off at once, the mother wailing after her, and no one dared to rescue her, so that it was unbearable to hear. The nature of women is mostly to favor sons-in-law and mistreat daughters-in-law. If they favor sons-in-law, the resentment of brothers arises; if they mistreat daughters-in-law, the slander of sisters takes effect. Thus whether a daughter marries out or remains, she offends the household, and in truth it is caused by the mother. So there is a proverb: "The lonely mother-in-law's meal." This is retribution. The constant in a household. [The source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription.] Can one not be warned? Marriage should be between families of matching standing, which is a rule set down by Marquis Jing. In recent times there are even those who sell daughters to take in wealth and buy brides with silk, comparing fathers and grandfathers and counting every ounce, demanding much and returning little, no different from the marketplace. Sometimes a vulgar son-in-law enters the house, or an arrogant wife takes over the room; seeking glory and profit but bringing shame instead, can one not be careful? In borrowing others' books one must take care of them, and if there is already damage, one should repair it; this too is one of the hundred conducts of a scholar-official. Jiang Lu of Jiyang did not finish reading, and even when something urgent happened he always waited until the scroll was bundled neatly before rising, so there was no damage, and people did not tire of his coming to borrow. Some leave books scattered on the desk and the sets in disarray, and they are mostly stained [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription] by children and maids and damaged by wind, rain, and insects [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription], which is truly a loss of virtue. Whenever I read the books of the sages, I have never failed to face them with solemn respect; scrap paper that has the wording of the Five Classics or the names of the worthy and accomplished I do not dare to use for filthy purposes. In my family, shamans' prayers are never discussed, and talismans, writs, and ritual offerings are not used for supplication, as you have all seen; do not spend resources on superstition and falsehood.

吾觀禮經聖人之教箕箒箸咳唾唯諾執燭沃盥皆有節度亦為至矣但既殘缺非復全書其有所不載及世事變改者學達君子自為節度相承行之故世號士大夫風操而家門頗有不同所見互稱長短然其阡陌亦自可知昔在江南目能視而見之耳能聴而聞之蓬生麻中不勞翰墨汝曹生於戎馬之間視聴之所不曉故聊記録以傳示子孫禮雲見似目瞿聞名心瞿有所感觸惻愴心眼若在從容平常之地幸須申其情耳必不可避亦當忍之猶如伯叔兄弟酷類先人可得終身腸斷與之絶耶又臨文不諱廟中不諱君所無私諱葢知聞名須有消息不必期於顛沛而走也梁世謝舉甚有聲舉聞諱必哭為世所譏又臧逢世臧嚴之子也篤學修行不墜門風孝元經牧江州遣往建昌督事郡縣民庶競修牋書朝夕輻輳几案盈積書有稱嚴寒者必對之流涕不省取記多廢公事物情怨駭竟以不辦而還此並過事也近在楊都有一士人諱審而與沈氏交結周厚沈與其書名而不姓此非人情也凡避諱者皆湏得其同訓以代換之桓公名白博有五皓之稱厲王名長琴有修短之目不聞謂布帛為布皓呼腎腸為腎修也梁武小名阿練子孫皆呼練為絹乃謂銷鏈物為銷絹物恐乖其義或有諱雲者呼紛紜為紛煙有諱桐者呼梧桐樹為白鐵樹便似戲笑耳周公名子曰禽孔子名兒曰鯉止在其身自可無禁至若衛侯魏公子楚太子皆名蟣蝨長卿名犬子王脩名狗子上有連及理未為通古之所行今之所笑也北土多有名兒為驢駒豚子者使其自稱及兄弟所名亦何忍哉前漢有尹翁歸後漢有鄭翁歸梁家亦有孔翁歸又有顧翁寵晉代有許思妣孟少孤如此名字幸當避之今人避諱更急於古名子者當為孫地吾親識中有諱襄諱友諱同諱清諱和諱禹交防造次一座百犯聞者辛苦無僇頼焉昔司馬長卿慕藺相如故名相如顧元歆慕蔡邕故名雍而後漢有朱張字孫卿許暹字顔回梁世有庾晏嬰祖孫登連古人姓為名字亦鄙事也昔劉文饒不忍罵奴為畜產今世愚人遂以相戲或有指名為豚犢者有識傍觀猶欲掩耳況名之者乎近在議曹共平章百官秩祿有一顯貴當世名臣意嫌所議過厚齊朝有一兩士族文學之人謂此貴曰今日天下大同須為百代典式豈得尚作闗中舊意乎明公定是陶朱公大兒耳彼此歡笑不以為嫌昔侯霸之子孫稱其祖父曰家公陳思王稱其父為家父母為家母潘尼稱其祖曰家祖古人之所行今人之所笑也及南北風俗言其祖及二親無雲家者田裡偎人方有此言耳凡與人言言已世父以次第稱之不雲家者以尊於父不敢家也凡言姑姊妹女子子已嫁則以夫氏稱之在室則以次第稱之言禮成他族不得雲家也子孫不得稱家者輕略之也蔡邕書集呼其姑女為家姑家姊班固書集亦云家孫今並不行也凡與人言稱彼祖父母世父母父母及長姑皆加尊字自叔父已下則加賢字尊卑之差也王羲之書稱彼之母與自稱己母同不雲尊字今所非也南人冬至嵗首不詣喪家若不修書則過節束帶以

Looking at the teachings of the sages in the Book of Rites: dustpan and broom, chopsticks, [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription], coughing, spitting, saying yes, holding a candle and pouring water for washing, all have their measure, and it may be called reaching the utmost. But the text is already incomplete and no longer a whole book; what it does not record and what has changed in worldly affairs, learned gentlemen decide for themselves and carry on and practice in succession, which is why the world calls them the manners of scholar-officials, and the families differ considerably, each seeing the others' strengths and weaknesses, yet the path can naturally be known. In the past in Jiangnan, whatever the eyes could see they saw, and whatever the ears could hear they heard; like mugwort growing among hemp, there was no need to trouble brush and ink. You were born among war horses, and your sight and hearing may not know these things, so I have written down a few for my descendants. The Book of Rites says: when one sees someone similar the eyes are startled, and when one hears the name the heart is startled. When something moves one, sorrow is in the heart and eyes. If in a leisurely, everyday setting, one hopes to be able to express this feeling; if it cannot be avoided, one should restrain it. Take, for example, uncles and brothers who look very much like the late parent; could one spend one's life heartbroken and cut off relations with them? Also, one does not avoid names when writing, nor in the temple, and before the ruler there is no private avoidance; thus it can be known that on hearing a name one must look at the circumstances, and need not necessarily rush about in distress. In the Liang dynasty Xie Ju had a great reputation, but on hearing the avoided name he always wept, and was mocked by people of the time. Also Zang Fengshi, son of Zang Yan, studied earnestly and refined his conduct, and did not let down the family tradition. When Emperor Xiaoyuan administered Jiangzhou, he sent him to Jianchang to supervise affairs; the commoners of commanderies and counties competed to write letters, converging morning and evening, and piling up on the desk. When a letter said "severe cold" he always wept over it, did not examine it or take notes, and neglected much official business, and the people were resentful and shocked, and in the end he returned because he did not handle the work. These were all excessive. Recently in Yangdu there was a scholar who avoided the name "Shen," yet he was deeply connected with the Shen family; when a Shen wrote to him, he wrote only the given name and not the surname, which was not human feeling. In all avoidance of names, one must substitute a word of the same meaning. Duke Huan's name was Bai, but the Bo (a game piece) had the name "five whites"; King Li's name was Chang, but the zither had the term "long and short." I have never heard of calling cloth "bolt-white" or kidneys and intestines "kidney-long." Emperor Wu of Liang's childhood name was Alian, and his descendants all called lian (white silk) "juan" (silk), and so called melting and refining things "melting-silk things," which I fear deviates from the original meaning. Someone avoided the name "yun" (cloud) and called confusion "fen-yan" (disorder-smoke); someone avoided "tong" (paulownia) and called the wutong tree the "white-iron tree," which is like a joke. The Duke of Zhou gave his son the name Qin (bird), and Confucius gave his son the name Li (carp); it was only for themselves, and naturally there is no need to forbid it. As for the Marquis of Wei, the Prince of Wei, and the Crown Prince of Chu all having names meaning lice, Changqing being named Quanzi (puppy), and Wang Xiu being named Gouzi (puppy), where it extends to the ancestors above, the principle cannot be made to work. What was done in ancient times is laughed at by people today. In the northern lands many give their sons names such as Luju (donkey colt) or Tunzi (piglet), letting him call himself that and his brothers call him that; how could one bear it? In the Former Han there was Yin Wenggui, in the Later Han Zheng Wenggui, in the Liang family there was also Kong Wenggui and Gu Wengchong, and in the Jin there were Xu Sibi and Meng Shaogu; such names, fortunately, should be avoided. People today avoid names more urgently than the ancients; when naming sons, one should leave room for grandsons. Among my relatives and acquaintances there are those who avoid Xiang, You, Tong, Qing, He, and Yu; in hurried exchanges [the source text has a rare character here, lost in transcription], a hundred offenses occur at one table, and those who hear it suffer and have nothing to rely on. In the past Sima Changqing admired Lin Xiangru and so took the name Xiangru, and Gu Yuantan admired Cai Yong and so took the name Yong, and in the Later Han there were Zhu Zhang with the style Sunqing and Xu Xian with the style Yan Hui, and in the Liang there were Yu Yanying and Zu Sundeng, linking the surnames of the ancients into names, which is also a vulgar thing. In the past Liu Wenrao could not bear to scold a slave as "livestock," but foolish people of today even use it to tease one another, and some even name another "piglet" or "calf"; a discerning bystander would want to cover his ears, to say nothing of the one being called. Recently, in the Bureau of Deliberation, officials were discussing together the salaries of the hundred officials; one high-ranking man, a famous minister of the day, felt in his heart that the proposal was too generous. One or two scholars of literary talent from the gentry of Qi said to this noble: "Today the whole world is united and we must set a model for a hundred generations; how can we still follow the old ideas of Guanzhong? Your Excellency must surely be the eldest son of Tao Zhugong." They laughed together and did not take offense. In the past the descendants of Hou Ba called their grandfather "jiagong", the Prince of Chensi called his father "jiafu" and mother "jiamu", and Pan Ni called his grandfather "jiazu"; what the ancients did is laughed at by people today. When it comes to the customs of north and south, in speaking of grandfathers and both parents no one says "jia", and only rustics in the fields have such talk. In speaking with others, when referring to one's own uncles one calls them in order without saying "jia", because they are senior to the father and one does not dare call them "jia". When speaking of aunts, sisters, daughters, and the like, if married one refers to them by the husband's family's surname, and if still at home by order of birth, meaning that once the rites are complete they belong to another clan, and one must not say "jia". Descendants must not be called "jia", for it treats them lightly. Cai Yong's collected writings call aunts and daughters "jiagu" and "jiajie", and Ban Gu's collection also says "jiasun" (grandson), but now all this is no longer practiced. In speaking with others, when referring to the other person's grandparents, uncles and aunts, parents, and eldest aunts, one adds the word "zun" (honored), and from paternal uncles of lower rank downward one adds the word "xian" (worthy), which marks the difference between senior and junior. Wang Xizhi in writing letters referred to the other person's mother the same as to his own mother, without saying "zun", but now this is considered incorrect. Southerners at the winter solstice and the new year do not go to a house in mourning; if they do not write a letter, then after the festival they put on their sash and go

申慰北人至嵗之日重行吊禮禮無明文則吾不取南人賓至不迎相見捧手而不揖送客下席而已北人迎送並至門相見則揖古之道也吾善其迎揖昔者王侯自稱孤寡不穀自茲以降雖孔子聖師與門人言皆稱名也後雖有臣僕之稱行者葢亦寡焉江南輕重各有謂號具諸書儀北人多稱名者乃古之遺風吾善其稱名焉言及先人理當感慕古者之所易今人之所難江南事不獲已乃陳文墨防防無言者須言閥閱必以文翰罕有面論者北人無何便爾話說及相訪問如此之事不可加於人也人加諸巳則當避之名位未髙如為勲貴所逼隠忍方便速報取了勿取煩重感辱祖父若沒言須及者則斂容肅坐稱大門中世父叔父則稱從兄弟門中兄弟則稱亡者子某門中各以其尊卑輕重為容色之節皆變於常若與君言雖變於色猶雲亡祖亡伯亡叔也吾見名士亦有呼其亡兄弟為兄子弟子門中者亦未為安貼也北土都不行此太山羊偘梁初入南吾近至鄴其兄子肅訪偘委曲吾答之雲卿從門中在梁如此如此肅曰是我親第七亡叔非從也祖孝微在坐先知江南風俗乃謂之雲賢從弟門中何故不解古人皆呼伯父叔父而今世多單呼伯叔從兄弟姊妹已孤而對其前呼其母為伯叔母此不可避者也兄弟之子已孤與他人言對孤者前呼為兄子弟子頗為不忍北土多呼為侄案爾雅喪服經左傳侄名雖通男女並是對姑之稱晉世已來始呼叔侄今呼為侄於理為勝也別易防難古人所重江南餞送下泣言離有王子侯梁武帝弟出為東郡與武帝別帝曰我年已老與汝分張甚心惻愴數行淚下侯遂宻雲赧然而出坐此被責飄颻舟渚一百許日卒不得去北間風俗不屑此事岐路言離歡笑分首然人性自有少涕淚者腸雖欲絶目猶爛然如此之人不可強責凡親屬名稱皆須粉墨不可濫也無風教者其父已孤呼外祖父母與祖父母同使人為其不喜聞也雖質於面皆當加外以別之父母之世叔父皆當加其次第以別之父母之世叔母皆當加其姓以別之父母之群從世叔父母及從祖父母皆當加其爵位若姓以別之河北士人皆呼外祖父母為家公家母江南田裡間亦言之以家代外非吾所識凡宗親世數有從父有從祖有族祖江南風俗自茲已往髙秩者通呼為尊同昭穆者雖百世猶稱兄弟若對他人稱之皆雲族人河北士人雖三二十世猶呼為從伯從叔梁武帝嘗問一中土人曰卿北人何故不知有族答雲骨肉易踈不忍言族耳當時雖為敏對於禮未通吾嘗問周讓曰父母中外姊妹何以稱之周曰亦呼為丈人自古未見丈人之稱施於婦人也吾親表所行若父屬者為某姓姑母屬者為某姓姨中外丈人之婦猥俗呼為丈母士大夫謂之王母謝母雲而陸機集有與長沙顧母書乃其從叔母也今所不行齊朝士子皆呼祖防射為祖公全不嫌有所涉也乃有對面以相戲者古者名以正體字以表德名終則諱之字乃可以為孫氏孔子弟子記事者皆稱仲尼呂后微時嘗字髙祖為季至漢袁種字其叔父曰絲王丹與侯霸子語字霸為君房江南至今不諱字也河北士人全不辨之名亦呼為字字固因呼為字尚書王元之兄弟皆號名人其父名雲字羅漢一皆諱之其餘不足怪也禮間傳云斬縗之哭若往而不反齊縗之哭若往而反大功之哭三哭而偯小功緦麻哀容可也此哀之發於聲音也孝經云哭不哀皆論哭有輕重質文之聲也禮以哭有言者為號然則哭亦有辭也江南喪哭時有哀訴之言耳山東重喪則唯呼蒼天朞功以下則唯呼痛深便是號而不哭江南凡遭重喪若相知者同在城邑三日不弔則絶之除喪雖相遇則避之怨其不已憫也有故及道遙者致書可也無書亦如之北俗則不爾江南凡吊者主人之外不識者不執手識輕服而不識主人則不於會所而吊他日脩名詣其家隂陽說雲辰為水墓又為土墓故不得哭王充論衡雲辰日不哭哭則重喪今無教者辰日有喪不問輕重舉家清謐不敢發聲以辭弔客道書又曰晦歌朔哭皆當有罪天奪之算喪家朔望哀感彌深寧當惜壽又不哭也亦不論偏傍之書死有歸煞子孫逃竄莫肯在家畫瓦書符作諸厭勝喪出之日門前然火戸外列灰袚送家鬼章斷注連凢如此比不近有情乃儒雅之罪人彈議所當加也已孤而履嵗及長至之節無父拜母祖父母世叔父母姑兄姊則皆泣無母拜父外祖父母舅姨兄姊亦如之此人情也江左朝臣子孫初釋服朝見二宮皆當泣涕二宮為之改容頗有膚色充澤無哀感者梁武薄其為人多被抑退裴政出服問訊武帝貶瘦枯槁涕泗滂沱武帝目送之曰裴之禮不死也二親既歿所居齋寢子與婦弗忍入焉北朝頓邱李構母劉氏夫人亡後所住之堂終身鏁閉弗忍開入也夫人宋廣州刺史纂之孫女故構猶染江南風教其父奬為州刺史鎮壽春遇害構嘗與王松年祖孝徵數人同集談防孝徵善畫遇有紙筆圖寫為人頃之因割鹿尾戲截畫人以示構而無他意構愴然動色便起就馬而去舉坐驚駭莫測其情祖君尋悟方深反側當時罕有能感此者吳郡陸襄父閒被刑襄終身布衣蔬飯雖姜菜有切割皆不忍食居家唯以掐摘供廚江陵姚子篤母以燒死終身不忍噉炙豫章熊康父以醉而為奴所殺終身不復嘗酒然禮縁人情恩由義斷親以噎死亦當不可絶食禮經父之遺書母之杯圏感其手口之澤不忍讀用政為常所講習讎校繕冩及偏加服用有跡可思者耳若尋常墳典為生什物安可悉廢之乎既不讀用無容散逸唯當緘保以留後世耳思魯等第四舅母親吳郡張建女也有第五妹三嵗喪母靈床上屏風平生舊物屋漏沾溼出曝曬之女子一見伏床流涕家人怪其不起乃往抱持薦席淹漬精神傷怛不能飲食將以問醫醫診脈雲腸斷矣因爾便吐血數日而亡中外憐之莫不悲嘆禮雲忌日不樂正以感慕罔極惻愴無聊故不接外賓不理眾務耳必能悲慘自居何限於深藏也世人或端坐奧室不妨言笑盛營甘美厚供齋食迫有急卒宻戚至交盡無相見之理葢不知禮意乎魏世王修母以社日亡來嵗社修感念哀甚隣裡聞之為之罷社今二親喪亡偶值伏臘分至之節及月小晦後忌之外所經此日猶應感慕異於餘辰不預飲防聞聲樂及行遊也劉縚緩綏兄弟併為名器其父名昭一生不為照字唯依爾雅火傍作召耳然凢文與正諱相犯當自可避其有同音異字不可悉然劉字之下即有昭音呂尚之兒如不為上趙壹之子儻不作一便是下筆即妨是書皆觸也嘗有甲設防席請乙為賓而旦於公庭見乙之子問之曰尊侯早晩顧宅乙子稱其父已往時以為笑如此比例觸類慎之不可陷於輕脫江南風俗兒生一朞為制新衣盥浴裝飭男則用弓矢

... to express condolences. Northerners, on the first day of the year, perform the condolence rite again; since the ritual texts do not prescribe it, I do not adopt it. Southerners do not go out to greet guests who arrive; when they meet they hold up their joined hands without bowing, and when seeing a guest off they merely step down from the mat; Northerners both greet and see off guests at the door, and bow when they meet, which is the way of the ancients, and I approve of their greeting and bowing. Anciently kings and marquises called themselves Gu, Gua and Bugu (the lonely one, the solitary one, the unworthy one); from then on, even a sage-teacher like Confucius, when speaking with his disciples, called himself by name. Later, although there were titles of ministers and servants, in practice they were probably rarely used. In Jiangnan there are titles for lighter and heavier occasions, all written in the books of correspondence forms; Northerners mostly use personal names, which is a remnant of ancient custom, and I approve of their using names. As for speaking of one's forebears, it is proper to feel longing and reverence, and what was easy for the ancients is hard for people today. In Jiangnan, only when unavoidable do people resort to written words, (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) silent; if they must speak of lineage and rank they always do so in writing, and seldom discuss it face to face; Northerners, when they have nothing to do, speak up and visit one another. Such things should not be imposed on others; and when others impose them on oneself, one should avoid them. If one's name and rank are not yet high and one is pressed by the powerful and noble, one should endure it, find a convenient way, and hurry to settle it in reply, without seeking to make it heavy and troublesome, lest one embarrass one's grandfather and father. If one must speak of someone already dead, one composes one's expression and sits solemnly, and says "of the main house"; for the elder or younger paternal uncle one says "of the house of the cousins"; for brothers one calls the deceased "of the house of the son so-and-so," adjusting the look on one's face according to seniority and weight, all different from the usual. If speaking with one's ruler, although one changes one's expression, one still says the late grandfather, the late elder uncle, the late younger uncle. I have seen famous scholars also call a deceased brother "of the house of the brother's son or younger brother's son," which is also not fitting. In the northern lands none of this is practiced. Yang Kan of Taishan had just come south to Liang; recently when I went to Ye, his brother's son Su came to ask me about Yang Kan's circumstances, and I answered him: "Your cousin of the house, in Liang, is thus and so." Su said: "He is my own seventh uncle, deceased, not a cousin." Zu Xiaozheng was present and already knew the customs of Jiangnan, and so said to him: "The cousin of your worthy house, why do you not understand?" The ancients all called them elder father's brother and younger father's brother, while people now often say simply Bo and Shu. When cousins, male and female, are orphaned, to call their mother "paternal aunt by marriage" to their faces is unavoidable. When a brother's child is already orphaned, in speaking with others or in front of the orphan, calling him "brother's son" or "younger brother's son" is very hard to bear. In the northern lands many call them "zhi." According to the Erya, the Mourning Garments Classic and the Zuo Commentary, although the word zhi is used for both male and female, it is in all cases a term used toward a paternal aunt. Only since the Jin dynasty have people called uncle and nephew Shu and Zhi; today calling them zhi is better in principle. Parting is difficult (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), and the ancients valued it. In Jiangnan, when seeing someone off, people shed tears and speak of separation. There was a prince-marquis who was a younger brother of Emperor Wu of Liang, who went out to be governor of Dong Commandery and took his leave of Emperor Wu. The emperor said: "I am already old, and parting from you saddens my heart." Several lines of tears fell. The marquis then whispered something in secret and went out blushing, and for this was rebuked, and drifted in boats on the islets for over a hundred days and in the end could not leave. In the northern regions custom scorns this, and at the fork of the road they speak of parting and part with laughter. Yet human nature naturally includes people who shed few tears, whose eyes remain bright even though their bowels seem about to break, and such people should not be forcibly blamed. All kinship terms must be distinguished as clearly as black from white, and not used loosely. People without good upbringing, when the father is already dead, call maternal grandparents the same as paternal grandparents, which people dislike hearing. Even when questioned face to face, one should add "maternal" to distinguish. For the father's and mother's paternal uncles, one should add an order of seniority to distinguish; for their paternal aunts by marriage, one should add the surname; for the father's and mother's cousins' uncles and aunts and for great-uncles and great-aunts, one should add the title or surname to distinguish. Scholars of Hebei all call maternal grandparents "jia gong" and "jia mu" (family grandfather, family grandmother), and in the countryside of Jiangnan they say the same, using "family" in place of "maternal," which I do not understand. As for the generations of the clan, there are "cong fu" (father's cousins), "cong zu" (grandfather's cousins) and "zu zu" (clan grandfathers). In Jiangnan custom, from this point on, those of high rank are generally called "honored"; those of the same generation, even after a hundred generations, are still called brothers, and when speaking of them to others, they are all called "clan members." Scholars of Hebei, even after twenty or thirty generations, still call them cong bo and cong shu. Emperor Wu of Liang once asked a man of the Central Plains: "You are a Northerner, why do you not know there is such a thing as a clan?" He answered: "Flesh and blood easily grow distant, and I cannot bear to speak of a clan." Although it was counted a quick answer at the time, it did not accord with ritual. I once asked Zhou (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) Rang: "What do you call the sisters of one's father's and mother's side?" Zhou said: "They are also called 'zhang ren.'" Since ancient times the term zhang ren has not been seen applied to women. In what my own maternal relatives practice, if on the father's side they are called Aunt of such a surname, and if on the mother's side Aunt by marriage of such a surname. The wives of those called zhang ren on either side are vulgarly called "zhang mu," while gentry and officials call them Wang Mu, Xie Mu and so on. The Collected Works of Lu Ji contains a letter to Gu Mu of Changsha, who was his paternal uncle's wife, but this is not done now. In the Qi dynasty, scholars all called Zu (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) She "Zu Gong," with no concern at all for its associations, and some even used it to tease one another to their faces. In ancient times the name was used to rectify the person and the courtesy name to show virtue; after a person's death his name was tabooed, but his courtesy name could be made into a clan name for his grandsons. Confucius's disciples, in recording events, all called him Zhongni; when Empress Lu was of humble status she once called Emperor Gaozu by his courtesy name Ji; in the Han dynasty Yuan Zhong called his uncle by the courtesy name Si; Wang Dan, in speaking to the son of Hou Ba, called Ba by his courtesy name, Junfang. In Jiangnan to this day the courtesy name is not tabooed. Scholars of Hebei make no distinction at all, calling a name a courtesy name and the courtesy name simply by courtesy name. The brothers of the Director Wang Yuanzhi were all called famous men, and their father's name was Yun and courtesy name Luohan, and they avoided both entirely, so the rest is not surprising. The Record of Rites, Jian Zhuan says: The wailing for the heaviest mourning is like one who goes and does not return; the wailing for the second grade is like one who goes and can return; the wailing for the third grade is in three turns with a lingering note; for the fourth and fifth grades it is enough to show a sorrowful face. This is grief issuing in sound. The Classic of Filial Piety says that in wailing one does not trail the voice, and these all discuss how wailing has sounds of lighter and heavier, plainer and more refined kinds. Ritual calls wailing with words a "hao" (loud lament), so wailing also has words. In Jiangnan, at mourning, there are words of lament; in Shandong, for heavy mourning they only call to blue Heaven, and for the one-year and nine-month grades and below they only cry that the pain is deep, which is lamenting without wailing. In Jiangnan, when anyone suffers heavy mourning, if acquaintances are in the same city and do not come to condole within three days, the bereaved cut off relations with them; after the mourning period, even if they meet they avoid them, resenting that they did not pity them. Those with reasons or at great distance can send a letter; but without a letter it is just like severing relations. Northern custom is not so. In Jiangnan, in condolence calls, one does not take the hand of anyone one does not know besides the host; if one knows a person in light mourning but not the host, one does not condole at the gathering place, but on another day sends in one's name at his house. The yin-yang masters say that the chen day is the tomb of water and also the tomb of earth, so one must not wail. Wang Chong's Lunheng says: do not wail on a chen day, for wailing brings a second death. Now uneducated people, when a death occurs on a chen day, regardless of its weight, keep the whole household quiet and dare not make a sound even to thank the condolence visitors. Daoist books also say: singing on the last day of the month or weeping on the first day of the month are both sins, and Heaven will take away one's lifespan. In houses of mourning, grief runs deeper on the first and fifteenth days; should one spare one's lifespan and not weep? Nor is this to speak of books on side-issues. Some say that the dead have a returning spirit, and the descendants flee and refuse to stay at home, painting tiles and writing talismans to make various charms of suppression, and on the day of the funeral they light fires before the gate and arrange ashes outside the door, purify and send off the household ghost, and sever the links of contagion: all of this is contrary to human feeling, and those who do it are sinners against the refined tradition, subject to impeachment. When one has already been orphaned and the festivals of the new year and the winter solstice come, one who has no father bows to his mother, grandparents, uncles and aunts, and elder brothers and sisters, weeping; one who has no mother bows to his father, maternal grandparents, maternal uncles and aunts, and elder brothers and sisters, likewise. This is human feeling. In Jiangzuo, when the sons and grandsons of court ministers had just removed their mourning garments and attended the two palaces, they were all expected to weep, and the two palaces would change their expression for them. There were quite a few with glowing skin and no sign of grief, and Emperor Wu of Liang looked down on their character, and many were pushed back and sidelined. When Pei Zhi removed his mourning garments and came to pay his respects to Emperor Wu, he was gaunt and haggard, with tears streaming, and the emperor watched him go and said: "Pei Zhi-li has not died." After both parents have died, the son and daughter-in-law cannot bear to enter the study and bedroom where they lived. In the Northern Dynasties, after the death of Lady Liu, mother of Li Gou of Dunqiu, the hall in which she had lived was locked for life and he could not bear to open and enter it. The lady was the granddaughter of Zuan, Governor of Guangzhou in the Song, and so Li Gou was still tinged by the customs of Jiangnan. His father Jiang (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) served as governor of a province and was killed while garrisoning Shouchun. Li Gou once gathered with Wang Songnian and Zu Xiaozheng and a few others to talk (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription); Xiaozheng was good at drawing, and when paper and brush came to hand he drew a portrait of someone, and after a while, as he was cutting a deer's tail, he playfully cut off the drawn person and showed it to Li Gou, with no other intention. Li Gou was stricken and changed color, and at once stood up, mounted his horse and left, and the whole company was astonished, unable to guess his feelings. Lord Zu then realized it and felt deeply uneasy. At the time few people could have been moved by such a thing. Lu Xiang of Wu Commandery, whose father Xian had been put to death, wore plain cloth and ate vegetarian meals all his life, and could not bear to eat even ginger or vegetables that had been cut, and at home used only pinching and picking for the kitchen. Yao Zidu of Jiangling, whose mother was burned to death, could not bear to eat roasted food all his life. Xiong Kang of Yuzhang, whose father was killed by a slave while drunk, never tasted wine again. Yet ritual follows human feeling, and kindness is cut off by righteousness; if a parent chokes to death, one should not for that reason refuse to eat. The Classic of Rites says that a father's books and a mother's cups and bowls, because of the traces of the hand and mouth upon them, one cannot bear to read or use, for these were what they often studied, collated and copied, or used beyond their daily needs, and bear marks to remember them by. If they are ordinary ancient texts or miscellaneous things for making a living, how could one abandon them all? Since one does not read or use them, one should not let them scatter, but should only seal them up and keep them for later generations. The fourth maternal aunt of Silu and the others was the daughter of Zhang Jian of Wu Commandery, and had a fifth younger sister who lost her mother at three; the screen on the bier was an old thing the mother had used all her life, and when the roof leaked and it was wet, it was taken out to air in the sun; the girl on seeing it threw herself on the bed and wept, and the family, wondering why she did not get up, went to hold her, and the mats were all soaked, her spirit was wounded with grief, and she could not eat or drink. They took her to a doctor, who felt her pulse and said her bowels had broken, and she spat blood for several days and died. Relatives near and far pitied her and none did not sigh in grief. The Record of Rites says that on the anniversary of a death one does not take pleasure, precisely because one feels boundless yearning, saddened and without recourse, and so does not receive outside guests or attend to public business. If one can truly behave in sorrow, why should it be limited to hiding deep away? Some people sit upright in a deep room and still talk and laugh, lavishly prepare sweet and rich dishes and offer abundant vegetarian meals, and if urgent matters arise or close relatives and dear friends come, there is no reason at all not to see them; probably they do not know the meaning of ritual. In the Wei dynasty, Wang Xiu's mother died on the day of the earth-god festival, and the next year on the festival day Wang Xiu was overcome by grief, and the neighbors, hearing of it, called off the festival for this reason. Now when parents have died, if one happens upon the festivals of Fu and La, the equinoxes and solstices, and the day after the last day of a short month, the days that pass outside the anniversary should still bring yearning and be different from other days, and one should not take part in drinking (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), nor listen to music or go on outings. The Liu brothers Tao, Huan and Sui were all famous men, and their father's name was Zhao, and in all his life he never wrote the character zhao in that form, but followed the Erya in writing it with the fire radical on the side of zhao. Yet any character that offends against the proper taboo naturally should be avoided; those that are the same in sound but differ in character cannot all be treated this way. Under the character Liu there is also the sound zhao; if the son of Lu Shang were not to be named "Shang," or the son of Zhao Yi were not to be called "Yi," then every stroke of the pen would be hindered and every writing would touch a taboo. There was once a man A who set out (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) a feast and invited B as guest; in the morning he saw B's son at the public hall and asked him: "When will your honored father honor my humble house with his presence?" B's son said that his father had already gone, and at the time it was taken as a joke. By this example, be careful in similar cases and do not fall into carelessness. In Jiangnan custom, when a son reaches one year of age, a new set of clothes is made for him, he is bathed and dressed up, and for a boy a bow and arrows,

紙筆女則刀尺針縷並加飲食之物及珍寳服玩置之兒前觀其發意所取以驗貪廉愚智名之為試兒親表聚集致防享焉自茲已後二親若在每至此日嘗有酒食之事耳無教之徒雖已孤露其日皆為供頓酣暢聲樂不知有所感傷梁孝元年少之時每八月六日載誕之辰常設齋講自阮修容薨歿之後此事亦絶人有憂疾則呼天地父母自古而然今世諱避觸途急切而江東士庶痛則稱禰禰是父之廟號父在無容稱廟父歿何容輒呼蒼頡篇有倄【下痛交切聲也】字訓詁雲痛而謼也【謼人故反】音羽罪反今北人痛則呼之聲類音於來反今南人痛或呼之此二音隨其鄉俗並可行也梁世被系劾者子孫弟侄皆詣闕三日露跣陳謝子孫有官自陳解職子則草屩粗衣蓬頭垢面周章道路要執事叩頭流血申訴寃枉若配徒諸子並立草菴於所署門不敢迎宅動經旬日官司驅遣然後始退江南諸憲司彈人事事雖不重而以教義見辱者或被輕系而身死獄戸者皆為怨讐子孫三世不交通矣劉洽為御史中丞初欲彈劉孝綽其兄溉先與劉善苦諫不得乃詣劉涕泣告別而去兵防戰危非安全之道古者天子喪服以臨師將軍鑿防門而出父祖伯叔若在軍陣貶損自居不宜奏樂防防及婚冠吉慶事也若居圍城之中憔悴容色除去飾玩常為臨深履薄之狀焉父母疾篤醫雖賤雖少則涕泣而拜之以求哀也梁孝元在江州嘗有不豫世子方等親拜中兵叅軍李猷四海之人結為兄弟亦何容易必有志均義敵令終如始者方可議之一爾之後命子拜伏呼為丈人申父友之敬身事彼親亦宜加禮比見北人甚輕此節行路相逢便定昆季望年觀貌不擇是非至有結父為兄托子為弟者昔者周公一沐三握髮一飯三吐餐以接白屋之士一日所見七十餘人晉文公以沐辭竪頭須致有圖反之誚門不停賓古所貴也失教之家閽寺無禮或以主君寢食嗔怒拒客未通江南深以為恥黃門侍郎裴之禮號善為士大夫有如此輩對賓杖之其門生僮僕接於他人折旋俯仰辭色應對莫不肅敬與主無別也

paper and brush are used, and for a girl a knife, ruler, needle and thread, together with food and drink and precious ornaments and playthings, all placed before the child to see what he reaches for, to test greed or honesty, foolishness or wisdom; this is called "testing the child." Relatives gather, and (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) feast. From then on, if the parents are alive, every year on this day there is always food and drink. Uneducated people, even though they are already orphaned, still set out feasts and enjoy music with abandon on this day, without knowing there is anything to be sad about. When Emperor Xiaoyuan of Liang was young, on the sixth day of the eighth month, his birthday, he would always hold a vegetarian assembly and lecture; after the death of Lady Ruan Xiurong, this was also stopped. When people are in distress or illness they call on heaven and earth and their parents, as has been so since ancient times. Today taboos are urgently observed everywhere, yet the scholars and commoners of Jiangdong say "mi" when in pain. Mi is the temple name of one's father; while the father is alive one may not call out the temple name, and after he has died how can one call it out at every turn? The Cangjie Pian has the character (the lower part "tong jiao qie," a sound) which the commentary says is calling out when in pain (read "hu," "ren gu fan"), pronounced "yu zui fan," and today Northerners call this when in pain; the Shenglei pronounces it "yu lai fan," and today Southerners sometimes call this when in pain. Either of these two sounds may follow local custom. In the Liang dynasty, when someone was detained and impeached, his sons, grandsons, brothers and nephews all went to the palace gate for three days, bare-headed and barefoot, and presented their apologies; sons and grandsons who held office petitioned to resign themselves; the sons wore straw sandals and coarse clothes, with disheveled hair and dirty faces, ran about the roads, stopped (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) the officials in charge, and kowtowed until they bled, pleading the injustice. If he was sentenced to forced labor (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), all the sons stood in straw huts at the door of the government office and dared not go home, and often after ten days or so the officials drove them off and only then did they leave. In Jiangnan, when the various censors impeached someone, even if the matter was not serious, if it was one in which a person was disgraced over a point of ritual and teaching, or one who was lightly imprisoned and died in prison, they became enemies, and the descendants had no dealings for three generations. When Liu Qia was Censor-in-Chief, at first he wished to impeach Liu Xiaochuo; his elder brother Gai, who had earlier been on good terms with Liu, remonstrated hard without success, and went to Liu and left in tears, bidding farewell. War (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) is dangerous and not a safe way. In ancient times the Son of Heaven put on mourning clothes when he came to the army, and the general went out through a door he had broken open. If one's father, grandfather, or uncles are in the ranks, one should lower oneself, and it is not fitting to play music (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), or to hold weddings, capping ceremonies and other auspicious celebrations. If one lives in a besieged city, one should look haggard, remove ornaments and playthings, and always take on the appearance of one standing at the edge of an abyss or treading on thin ice. When parents are gravely ill, even if the doctor is of low rank and young, one weeps and bows to beg for his mercy. When Emperor Xiaoyuan of Liang was in Jiangzhou he once fell ill, and his heir Fangdeng personally bowed to the military adviser Li You. For people of the four seas to become sworn brothers is not easy either; only those of like aims and equal righteousness, who will end as they began, can be consulted about it. Once sworn, one has one's son bow low and call the other "zhang ren" (elder), expressing the respect due to a father's friend; and one should also show courtesy in serving the other's parents oneself. I recently saw Northerners think very little of this point, becoming brothers on meeting in the road, going by age and looks without picking right from wrong, and some even make a father a brother or entrust a son as a younger brother. In the past the Duke of Zhou, in receiving scholars from humble homes, would grasp his hair three times in one bath and spit out his food three times in one meal, and in one day saw over seventy people; Duke Wen of Jin refused to see Shu Touxu on the excuse of bathing, and was mocked for plotting rebellion. Not letting guests wait at the gate was valued by the ancients. Households without proper teaching have gatekeepers who are rude, or turn away guests without announcing them because the master is angry at his rest or meal, which Jiangnan considers deeply shameful. The Gentleman of the Yellow Gate Pei Zhi-li was known as one who was good at being a gentleman and official, and when he met such a person he caned him in front of the guests; his students and servants, in receiving others, in their turning and bowing, their words and expression, were all solemn and respectful, no different from the master.

古人云千載一聖猶旦暮也五百年一賢猶比膊也言聖賢之難得防闊如此儻遭不世明達君子安可不攀附景仰之乎吾生於亂世長於戎馬流離播越聞見已多所值名賢未嘗不心醉魂迷嚮慕之也人在少年神情未定所與欵狎燻漬陶染言笑舉動無心於學潛移暗化自然似之何況操履藝能較明易習者也是以與善人居如入芝蘭之室久而自芳也與惡人居如入鮑魚之肆久而自臭也墨翟悲於染絲是之謂矣君子必慎交遊焉孔子曰無友不如己者顔閔之徒何可世得但優於我便足貴之世人多蔽貴耳賤目重遙輕近少長周旋如有賢哲每相狎侮不加禮敬他鄉異縣微借風聲延頸企踵甚於飢渴校長短核精麤或彼不能如此矣所以魯人謂孔子為東家丘昔虞國宮之竒少長於君君狎之不納其諫以至亡國不可不留心也用其言棄其身古人所恥凡有一言一行取於人者皆顯稱之不可竊人之美以為己力雖輕雖賤者必歸功焉竊人之財刑辟之所處竊人之美鬼神之所責梁孝元前在荊州有丁覘者洪亭民耳頗善屬文殊工草孝元書記一皆使之軍府輕賤多未之重恥令子弟以為楷法時雲丁君十紙不敵王襃數字吾雅愛其手跡常所寳持孝元嘗遣典籖惠編送文章示蕭祭酒祭酒問雲君王比賜書翰及寫詩筆殊為佳手姓名為誰郍得都無聲問編以實答子云嘆曰此人後生無比遂不為世所稱亦是竒事於是聞者少復刮目稍仕至尚書儀曹郎末為晉安王侍讀隨王東下及西臺陷歿簡牘湮散丁亦尋卒於州前所輕者後思一紙不可得矣侯景初入建業臺門雖閉公私草擾各不自全太子左衛率羊侃坐東掖門部分經畧一宿而辦遂得百餘日抗拒凶逆於時城內四萬許人王公朝士不下一百便是恃侃一人安之其相去如此古人云巢父許由讓於天下市道小人爭一錢之利亦已懸矣齊文宣帝即位數年便沈湎縱恣畧無綱紀尚能委政尚書令楊遵彥內外清謐朝野晏如各得其所物無異議終天保之朝遵彥後為李昭所戮刑政於是衰矣斛律明月齊朝折沖之臣無罪被誅將士解體周人始有吞齊之志闗中至今譽之此人用兵豈止萬夫之望而已也國之存亡系其生死張延雋之為晉州行臺左丞匡維主將鎮撫疆場儲積器用愛活黎民隠若敵國矣群小不得行志同力遷之既代之後公私擾亂周師一舉此鎮先平齊亡之跡啟於是矣

The ancients said: a sage appears once in a thousand years, and yet it seems like from morning to night; a worthy appears once in five hundred years, and yet it seems like shoulder against shoulder. This means that sages and worthies are rare and widely spaced (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription). If one meets an enlightened gentleman rare in the world, how can one not seek to attach oneself and look up to him? I was born in an age of chaos and grew up among warhorses, drifting and moving about, and I have seen and heard much; the famous worthies I have met, I have never failed to admire with a heart intoxicated and soul enraptured. When a person is young, his spirit is not yet settled, and those he befriends and is intimate with soak and shape him, so that without intending to learn their words, laughter and movements, he is subtly and secretly changed until he resembles them; how much more with conduct and skills that are comparatively plain and easily acquired? So to dwell with good people is like entering a room of orchids, and after a long time one is fragrant oneself; to dwell with bad people is like entering a shop of salted fish, and after a long time one stinks oneself. Mo Di grieved at the dyeing of silk, and this is the meaning. The gentleman must be careful in choosing his associates. Confucius said: "Have no friend who is not your equal." People like Yan Hui and Min Sun, in what age could one meet them? So long as someone is better than I am, he is worth valuing. People of the world are often blinded: they value the ear and despise the eye, esteem the far and slight the near. If among those one has moved among since childhood there is a worthy or sage, they often treat him with familiarity and contempt and show him no courtesy or respect; in another place or county, on hearing only a little rumor, they crane their necks and stand on tiptoe, more eager than the hungry and thirsty, comparing long and short and checking fine and coarse, though the other perhaps cannot be so. Thus the people of Lu called Confucius "Qiu of the east house." In the past Gong Zhiqi of the state of Yu grew up from childhood at the ruler's side, and the ruler treated him with familiarity and did not accept his remonstrance, and so the state perished; one should not fail to take note. To use a person's words while casting the person aside is something the ancients were ashamed of. Whenever one has taken a single word or deed from another, one should state it openly, and not steal another's good and take it as one's own effort; even if the person is humble, one must give him credit. Stealing another's property is dealt with by the penal code, but stealing another's good is blamed by the spirits. Emperor Xiaoyuan of Liang was formerly in Jingzhou, and there was a Ding Chan, merely a commoner of Hongting, who wrote very well and was especially skilled in cursive (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription). Xiaoyuan had him do all his documents. The headquarters despised him and mostly did not value him, and were ashamed to have their sons take him as a model for calligraphy, and at the time it was said: "Ten sheets of Gentleman Ding are no match for a few characters of Wang Bao." I was very fond of his handwriting and often kept it as a treasure. Xiaoyuan once sent the secretary Hui Bian to show his writings to Libationer Xiao, and the Libationer asked: "The letters recently bestowed by the Prince and the poems and prose he wrote, the handwriting is especially fine; who is the person whose name this is, and why is nothing heard of him?" Hui Bian answered truthfully. Xiao Ziyun sighed: "This man is without equal among the younger generation, and yet is not praised by the world, which is also strange." Thereupon those who heard it began to look at him in a new light, and he gradually rose to be Gentleman of the Bureau of Ritual in the Department of State Affairs, and finally Reader-in-Attendance to the Prince of Jin'an, and went east with the Prince of Sui. When the Western Court fell, documents were scattered and lost, and Ding soon died in (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) Province. Those who had looked down on him in the past, afterward could not even get a single sheet from him. When Hou Jing first entered Jianye, although the palace gates were shut, the court and the people were in turmoil and none could protect himself. Yang Kan, Commander of the Left Guard of the Crown Prince, was stationed at the Eastern Side Gate, and divided duties and made plans, which were settled in one night, and so was able to resist the rebels for over a hundred days. At that time there were over forty thousand people in the city, and princes, dukes and court officials numbered no fewer than a hundred, yet it was Kan alone who steadied them; such was the difference. The ancients said: Chao Fu and Xu You gave up the world, while petty people at the market fight over a single coin's profit, and already they are far apart. Emperor Wenxuan of Qi, a few years after taking the throne, indulged himself in drink and excess with no regard for rules, and yet he could still entrust state affairs to the Director of the Secretariat Yang Zunyan, so that inside and outside were calm and clear, court and country were at ease, each found his place, things had no discord, and so it lasted through the whole Tianbao reign. Zunyan was later put to death by Emperor Xiaozhao, and from then on law and government declined. Hulu Mingyue was a minister who warded off enemies for the Qi dynasty, and was executed without guilt, so the soldiers fell apart, and only then did the Zhou people form the ambition to swallow up Qi, and in Guanzhong he is praised to this day. In war, this man was not only the hope of tens of thousands of men; the survival of the state depended on his life or death. Zhang Yanjun, as Left Assistant of the Branch Secretariat at Jinzhou, supported and held together the commander, garrisoned the frontier, stored up supplies and equipment, and loved and kept the people alive, so that he was quietly like a state of his own. The group of petty men could not carry out their will and joined forces to have him transferred. After his replacement, public and private affairs fell into confusion, and when the Zhou army moved, this garrison was the first to fall. The signs of Qi's fall began from here.

自古明王聖帝猶湏勤學況凢庶乎此事遍於經史吾亦不能鄭重聊舉近世切要以終窹汝耳士大夫子弟數嵗已上莫不被教多者或至禮傳少者不失詩論及至冠婚體性稍定因此天機倍須訓誘有志尚者遂能磨礪以就素業無履立者自茲墮慢便為凢人人生在世防當有業農民則計量耕稼商賈則計論貨賄工巧則致精器用伎藝則深思法術武夫則慣習弓馬文士則講議經書多見士大夫恥涉農商羞務工伎射既不能穿札筆則才記姓名飽食醉酒忽忽無事以此銷日以此終年或因家世餘緒得一階半級便謂為足安能自苦及有吉防大事議論得失然張口如坐雲霧公私宴集談古賦詩塞黙低頭欠伸而已有識傍觀代其入地何惜數年勤學長受一生愧辱哉梁朝全盛之時貴遊子弟多無學術至於諺雲上車不落則著作體中何如則秘書無不薰衣剃面傅粉施朱駕長簷車躡髙齒屐坐碁子方褥憑斑絲隠嚢列器玩於左右從容出入望若神仙明經求第則顧人答策三九公防則假手賦詩當爾之時亦快士也及離亂之後朝市遷革銓衡選舉非復曩者之親當路秉權不見昔時之黨求諸身而無所得施之世而無所用披褐而喪珠失皮而露質兀若枯木泊若窮流孤獨戎馬之間轉死溝之際當爾之時誠駑材也有學藝者觸地而安自荒亂已來諸見俘虜雖百世小人知讀論語孝經者尚為人師雖千載冠冕不曉書記者莫不耕田養馬以此觀之安可不自勉耶若能常保數百卷書千載終不為小人也夫明六經之指涉百家之書縱不能增益德行敦厲風俗猶為一藝得以自資父兄不可常依鄉國不可常保一旦流離無人庇廕當自求諸身耳諺曰積財千萬不如薄伎在身伎之易習而可貴者無過讀書也世人不問愚智皆欲識人之多見事之廣而不肯讀書是猶求飽而懶營饌欲暖而惰裁衣也夫讀書之人自羲農已來宇宙之下凢識幾人凢見幾事生民之成敗好惡固不足論天地所不能藏鬼神所不能隠也有客難主人曰吾見強弩長防誅罪安民以取公侯者有矣文義習史匡時冨國以取卿相者有矣學備古今才兼文武身無祿位妻子飢寒者不可勝數安足貴學乎主人對曰夫命之窮達猶金玉木石也修以學藝猶磨瑩雕刻也金玉之磨瑩自美其鑛璞木石之叚塊自醜其雕刻安可言木石之雕刻乃勝金玉之鑛璞哉不得以有學之貧賤比於無學之冨貴也且負甲為兵咋筆為吏身死名滅者如牛毛角立傑出者如芝草握素披黃吟道詠德苦辛無益者如日蝕逸樂名利者幾秋荼豈得同年而語矣且又聞之生而知之者上學而知之者次所以學者欲其多智明達耳必有天才防群出類為將則闇與孫武吳起同術執政則懸得管仲子產之教雖未讀書吾亦謂之學矣今子即不能然不師古之蹤跡猶防被而臥耳人見隣裡親戚有佳快者使子弟慕而學之不知使學古人何其蔽也哉世人但知跨馬被甲長弰強弓便雲我能為將不知明乎天道辨乎地利比量逆順鑑達興亡之玅也但知承上接下積財聚谷便雲我能為相不知敬鬼事神移風易俗調節隂陽薦舉賢聖之至也但知私財不入公事夙辦便雲我能治民不知誠已刑物執轡如組反風滅火化鴟為鳳之術也但知抱令守律早刑晩舎便雲我能平獄不知同轅觀罪分劍追財假言而奸露不問而情得之察也爰及農商工賈廝役奴釣魚屠肉飯牛牧羊皆有先達可為師表博學求之無不利於事也夫所以讀書學問本欲開心明目利於行耳未知養親者欲其觀古人之先意承顔怡聲下氣不憚劬勞以致甘腝惕然慙懼起而行之也未知事君者欲其觀古人之守軄無侵見危授命不忘誠諫以利社稷惻然自念思欲效之也素驕奢者欲其觀古人之恭儉節用卑以自牧禮為教本敬者身基瞿然自失斂容抑志也素鄙恡者欲其觀古人之貴義輕財少私寡慾忌盈惡滿賙窮防匱赧然悔恥積而能散也素暴悍者欲其觀古人之小心黜巳齒舌存含垢藏疾尊賢容眾薾然沮喪若不勝衣也素怯懦者欲觀古人之達生委命強毅正直立言必信求福不囘勃然奮厲不可恐懾也厯茲以往百行皆然縱不能淳去泰去甚學之所知施無不達世人讀書者但能言之不能行之忠孝無聞仁義不足加以斷一條訟不必得其理宰千戸縣不必理其民問其造屋不必知楣橫而梲竪也問其為田不必知稷早而黍遲也吟嘯談謔諷詠辭賦事既優閒材增迃誕軍國經綸略無施用故為武人俗吏所共嗤詆良由是乎夫學者所以求益爾見人讀數十卷書便自髙大凌忽長者輕慢同列人疾之如讐敵惡之如鴟梟如此以學自損不如無學也古之學者為己以補不足也今之學者為人但能說之也古之學者為人行道以利世也今之學者為己修身以求進也夫學者猶種樹也春玩其華秋登其實講論文章春華也修身利行秋實也人生小防精神専利長成已後思慮散逸固須早教勿失機也吾七嵗時誦靈光殿賦至於今日十年一理猶不遺忘二十之外所誦經書一月廢置便至荒無矣然人有坎防失於盛年猶當晩學不可自棄孔子云五十以學易可以無大過矣魏武袁遺老而彌篤此皆少學而至老不倦也曾子七十乃學名聞天下荀卿五十始來遊學猶為碩儒公孫四十餘方讀春秋以此遂登丞相朱雲亦四十始學易論語皇甫謐二十始授孝經論語皆終成大儒此並早迷而晩窹也世人婚冠未學便稱遲暮因循面牆亦為愚爾防而學者如日出之光老而學者如秉燭夜行猶賢乎暝目而無見者也學之興廢隨世輕重漢時賢俊皆以一經聖人之道上明天時下該人事用此致卿相者多矣末俗已來不復爾空守章句但誦師言施之世務殆無一可故士大夫子弟皆以博涉為貴不肯専儒梁朝皇孫已下總丱之年必先入學觀其志尚出身已後便從文吏略無卒業者冠冕為此者則有何劉瓛明山賓周舍朱異周正賀琛賀革蕭子政劉縚等兼通文史不徒講説也洛陽亦聞崔浩張偉劉芳鄴下又見邢子才四儒者雖好經術亦以才博擅名如此諸賢故為上品以外率多田裡閒人音辭鄙陋風操蚩拙相與専固無所堪能問一言輒酬數百責其指歸或無要防鄴下諺雲博士買驢書劵三紙未有驢字使汝以此為師令人氣塞孔子曰學也祿在其中矣今勤無益之事恐非業也夫聖人之書所以設教但明練經文粗通注義常使言行有得亦足為人何必仲尼居即須兩紙防義燕寢講堂亦復何在以此得勝寧有益乎光隂可惜譬諸逝水當博覽機要以濟功業必能兼美吾無間焉俗間儒士不涉群書經緯之外義防而已吾初入鄴與博陵崔文彥交遊嘗說王粲集中難鄭尚書事崔轉為諸儒道之始將發口懸見排蹙雲文集止有詩賦銘誄豈當論經書事乎且先儒之中未聞有王粲也崔笑而退竟不以粲集示之魏收之在議曹與諸博士議宗廟事引據漢書博士笑曰未聞漢書得證經術魏便忿怒都不復言取韋成傳擲之而起博士一夜共披尋之達明乃來謝曰不謂成如此學也夫老莊之書葢全真養性不肎以物累己也故藏名柱石終蹈流沙匿跡漆園卒辭楚相此任縱之徒耳何晏王弼祖述宗遞相誇尚景附草靡皆以農黃之化在乎巳身周孔之業棄之度外而平叔以黨曹爽見誅觸死權之網也輔嗣以多笑人被疾陷好勝之穽也山巨源以蓄積取譏背多藏厚亡之文也夏侯以才望被戮無支離擁腫之鑑也荀奉倩喪妻神傷而卒非鼓缶之情也王夷甫悼子悲不自勝異東門之達也嵇叔夜排俗取禍豈和光同塵之流也郭子以傾動權勢寧後身外已之風也阮嗣宗沈酒荒迷乖畏途相誡之譬也謝防輿贓賄黜削違棄其餘魚之防也彼諸人者並其領袖宗所歸其餘桎梏塵滓之中顛仆名利之下者豈可備言乎直取其清談雅論剖析微賓主往復娛心恱耳非濟世成俗之要也洎於梁世茲風復闡莊老周易總謂三武皇簡文躬自講論周正奉贊大猷化行都邑學徒千餘實為盛美元帝在江荊間復所愛習召置學生親為教授廢寢忘食以夜繼朝至乃倦劇愁憤輙以講自釋吾時頗預末筵親承音指性既頑魯亦所不好雲齊孝昭帝侍婁太后疾容色顦顇服膳減損徐之才為灸兩穴帝握拳代痛爪入掌心血流滿手後既痊癒帝尋疾崩遺詔恨不見太后山陵之事其天性至孝如彼不識忌諱如此良由無學所為若見古人之譏欲母早死而悲哭之則不發此言也孝為百行之首猶須學以修飾之況餘事乎梁元帝嘗為吾說昔在會稽年始十二便已好學時又患疥手不得拳膝不得屈閒齋張葛幃避蠅獨坐銀甌貯山隂甜酒時復進之以自寛痛率意自讀史書一日二十卷既未師受或不識一字或不解一語要自重之不知厭倦帝子之尊童稚之逸尚能如此況其庶士冀以自達者哉古人勤學有握錐投斧照雪聚螢鋤則帶經牧則編簡亦為勤篤梁世彭城劉綺交州刺史勃之孫早孤家貧燈燭難辦常買荻尺寸折之燃明夜讀孝元初出會稽精選寮寀綺以才華為國常侍兼記室殊防禮遇終於金紫光祿義陽朱詹世居江陵後出都好學家貧無資累日不防乃時吞紙以實腹寒無氈被抱犬而臥犬亦飢虛起行盜食呼之不至哀聲動隣猶不廢業卒成學士官至鎮南錄事叅軍為孝元所禮此乃不可為之事亦是勤學之一人東莞臧逢世年二十餘欲讀班固漢書苦假借不久乃就姊夫劉緩乞丐客刺書翰紙末手冩一本軍府服其志尚卒以漢書聞齊有宦者內叅田鵬鸞本蠻人也年十四五初為閽寺便知好學懷袖握書曉夕諷誦所居卑末使役苦辛時伺閒隙周章詢請每坐文林館氣喘汗流問書之外不暇他語及覩古人節義之事未嘗不感激沈吟久之吾甚憐愛倍加開奬後被賞遇賜名敬宣位至侍中開府後主之奔青州遣其西出叅伺動靜為周軍所獲問齊王何在紿雲已去計當出境疑其不信歐捶服之每折一支辭色愈厲竟斷四體而卒蠻夷童丱猶能以學成忠齊之將相比敬宣之奴不若也鄴平之後見徙入闗思魯嘗謂吾曰朝無祿位家無積財當肆筋力以申供養每被課篤勤勞經史未知為子可得安乎吾命之曰子當以養為心父當以學為教使汝棄學狥財豐吾衣食食之安得甘衣之安得暖若務先王之道紹家世之業藜縕褐我自欲之書曰好問則裕禮雲獨學而無友則孤陋而寡聞葢須切磋相起明也見有閉門讀書師心自是稠人廣坐謬誤羞慙者多矣糓梁傳稱公子友與莒拏相搏左右呼曰孟勞孟勞者魯之寳刀名亦見廣雅近在齊時有姜仲嶽謂公子左右姓孟名勞多力之人為國所寳與吾苦諍時清河郡守邢峙當世碩儒助吾證之赧然而伏又三輔決録雲靈帝殿柱題曰堂堂乎張京兆田郎葢引論語偶以四言目京兆人田鳳也有一才士乃言時張京兆及田郎二人皆堂堂耳聞吾此説初大驚駭其後尋愧悔焉江南有一權貴讀誤本蜀都賦註解蹲鴟芋也乃為羊字人饋羊肉答書云捐惠蹲鴟舉朝驚駭不解事義久後尋跡方知如此元氏之世在洛京時有一才學重臣新得史記音而頗紕繆誤反顓頊字頊當為許録反錯作許縁反遂一一謂言從來謬音専旭當音専翾耳此人先有髙名翕然信行朞年之後更有碩儒苦相究討方知誤焉漢書王莾贊雲紫色防聲餘分閏位謂以偽亂真爾昔吾嘗共人談書言及王莾形狀有一俊士自許史學名價甚髙乃雲王莾非直鴟目虎吻亦紫色蛙聲又禮樂志雲給太官挏馬酒李竒注以馬乳為酒也揰挏乃成二字並從手揰【都抒反】挏【達孔反】此謂撞搗挺挏之今為酪酒亦然向學士又以為種桐時太官釀馬酒乃熟其孤陋遂至於此太山羊肅亦稱學問讀潘岳賦周文弱枝之棗為杖策之杖世本容成造厯以厯為碓磨之磨談說制文援引古音必須眼學勿信耳受江南閭里間士大夫或不學問羞為鄙樸道聴塗說強事飾辭呼徵質為周鄭謂霍亂為博陸上荊州必稱峽西下楊都言去海郡言食則餬口道錢則孔方問移則楚丘論婚則宴爾及王則無不仲宣語劉則無不公幹凢有一二百件傳相祖述尋問莫知源由施安時復失於莊生有乘時鵲起之說故謝朓詩曰鵲起登吳臺吾有一親表作七夕詩云今夜吳臺鵲亦共往填河羅浮山記雲望平地樹如薺故戴髙詩云長安樹如薺又鄴下有一人詠樹詩云遙望長安薺又嘗見謂矜誕為夸毗呼髙年為冨有春秋皆耳學之過也夫文字者墳籍根本世之學徒多不曉字讀五經者是徐邈而非許慎習賦誦者信褚詮而忽呂忱明史記者専皮鄒而廢篆籕學漢書者恱應蘇而畧蒼雅不知書音是其枝葉小學乃其宗系至見服防張揖音義則貴之得通俗廣雅而不屑一手之中向背如此況異代各人乎【世人皆以通俗文為服防造未知非服防而輕之猶謂是服防而輕之故此論從俗也】夫學者貴能博聞也郡國山川官位姓族衣服飲食器皿制度皆欲根尋得其原本至於文字忽不經懷己身姓名多或乖舛縱得不誤亦未知所由近世有人為子制名兄弟皆山傍立字而有名峙者兄弟皆木傍立字而有名機者兄弟皆水傍立字而有名凝者名儒碩學此例甚多若有知吾之鐘不調一何可笑吾嘗從齊王幸幷州自井陘闗入上艾縣東數十里有獵閭村後百官受馬糧在晉陽東百餘里亢仇城側並不識二所本是何地博求古今皆未能曉及檢字林韻集乃知獵閭是舊防餘聚【防音獵也】亢仇舊是防防亭【上音武安反下音仇】悉屬上艾時太原王邵欲撰鄉邑記注因此二名聞之大喜吾初讀莊子螝二首韓非子曰防有螝者一身兩口爭食相齕遂相殺也茫然不識此字何音逢人輒問了無解者案爾雅諸書蠶蛹名螝【音潰】又非二首兩口貪害之物後見古今字譜此亦古之虺字積年凝滯豁然霧解嘗遊趙州見栢人城北有一小水土人亦不知名後讀城西門徐整碑雲洦流東指眾皆不識吾案說文此字古魄字也洦淺水貌此水漢來本無名矣直以淺貌目之或當即以洦為名乎世中書翰多稱勿勿相承如此不知所由或有妄言此忽忽之殘缺耳案說文勿者州里所建之旗也象其柄及三遊之形所以趣民事故忽遽者稱為勿勿吾在益州與數人同坐初晴日明見地上小光問左右此是何物有一蜀竪就視荅雲是豆逼耳相顧愕然不知所謂命取將來乃小豆也窮訪蜀土呼粒為逼時莫之解吾雲三蒼說文此字白下為皆訓粒通俗文音方力反眾皆歡悟愍楚友壻竇如同從河州來得一青鳥馴養愛翫舉族呼之為鶡吾曰鶡出上黨數曾見之色並黃黑無駁雜也故陳思王鶡賦雲黃之勁羽試檢說文鳻【音分】雀佀鶡而青出羌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Since antiquity even enlightened kings and sage emperors had to study diligently; how much more ordinary people? This matter is found throughout the classics and histories, and I cannot go through every instance solemnly; I will merely cite what is essential from recent times to rouse you. Every son of a scholar-official receives an education from some age or other; at the most they get as far as the Rites and the Commentaries, at the least they do not miss the Songs and the Analects. By the time of capping and marriage their nature has settled somewhat, and so their innate gifts need still more guidance. Those with ambition can be honed into men of accomplished plain learning; those without principle grow slack from then on and become ordinary. In life in the world [a rare character lost] everyone must have a calling: farmers reckon plowing and planting, merchants discuss goods and wealth, craftsmen perfect their tools, artisans ponder their methods, warriors practice bow and horse, and literati expound the classics. One often sees scholar-officials ashamed to touch farming or trade and too proud to work at crafts; they cannot shoot an arrow through armor plates, and their brush barely writes their own names; they eat their fill, get drunk, and idle about in a daze, spending their days and years that way. Some, by the leftover prestige of their family, obtain a rank or half a rank and consider it enough; why should they trouble themselves? When there are great matters of good or ill fortune [a rare character lost] and judgments of gain and loss are to be argued, they open their mouths as if sitting in clouds and mist; at public and private banquets, when people discuss antiquity and compose poems, they just sit in silence, heads bowed, yawning. Perceptive onlookers feel there is no place for them to hide from the shame on his behalf. Why begrudge a few years of diligent study, only to suffer shame and disgrace for a lifetime? In the heyday of the Liang dynasty, the sons of the noble and idle mostly had no learning at all, so that a saying went: “Step down from the carriage without falling and you can be an Author; ask ‘How is your health?’ and you can be a Palace Librarian.” Every one of them perfumed their clothes, shaved their faces, powdered and rouged, drove long-awninged carriages, trod in high-heeled clogs, sat on square mats embroidered with chessboard patterns, leaned on cushions of mottled silk, set out curios and playthings on either side, and strolled in and out so that they looked like immortals. When they sought a place by examination in the classics they hired others to answer the questions, and for the “three nines” [a rare character lost] they borrowed another's hand to compose poems; in those days they were counted as pleasant fellows. Then, after the upheaval and disorder, when the court and the market were overturned, the selection of officials was no longer by the old kinship, and those who held power at the top no longer included the old cronies; seeking within themselves they found nothing, and applied to the world they were of no use; wearing coarse clothing they had lost their pearl, stripped of their skin they showed their bare substance, dull as withered wood and shallow as a dried-up stream, alone amid the war horses, tossed about until they died in ditches [a rare character lost]. At that time they were truly inferior material. Those who had some learning and skill could settle anywhere. Since the chaos and ruin began, among the captives I have seen, even those from a hundred generations of commoners who knew how to read the Analects and the Classic of Filial Piety could still become teachers of others; even those from a thousand years of caps and robes who knew nothing of writing all ended up plowing fields and tending horses. Seen this way, how can one not urge oneself on? If one can always keep several hundred scrolls of books, then for a thousand years one will not become a petty person. Understand the meaning of the Six Classics and range through the books of the hundred schools; even if this cannot add to one's virtue or strengthen social customs, it is at least one skill by which one can support oneself. Fathers and elder brothers cannot always be relied on, and one's home country cannot always be kept; once you are adrift and have no one to shelter you, you must look to yourself. The proverb says: a thousand strings of cash piled up are not worth a slender skill in your own person. Among skills that are easy to learn and valuable, none surpasses reading. People of the world, wise or foolish, all want to know many people and see many things, yet are unwilling to read; this is like wanting to be full but being too lazy to cook, or wanting to be warm but being too lazy to cut cloth. One who reads books, from the time of Fuxi and Shennong to everything under the heavens, how many people has he come to know and how many events has he seen! The successes, failures, likes, and dislikes of the common people are of course not worth discussing, but what heaven and earth cannot conceal and what ghosts and spirits cannot hide are all there. A guest challenged the host, saying: I have seen those who obtained the rank of duke or marquis by drawing the strong crossbow and long [a rare character lost] to execute criminals and pacify the people, and those who obtained the rank of minister or chancellor by writing and studying history to set the age right and enrich the state; those who are complete in learning ancient and modern and combine talent for both letters and arms, yet have no salary or position and whose wives and children go hungry and cold, are beyond counting; how is reading worth valuing? The host replied: The poverty or success of one's fate is like gold, jade, wood, and stone; cultivating oneself through learning and skill is like polishing and carving. When gold and jade are polished, they are by nature finer than the raw ore; when wood and stone are cut into pieces, they are by nature uglier than carved ones. How could one say that carved wood and stone surpass the raw ore of gold and jade? One may not compare the poverty of one with learning to the wealth and rank of one without it. Moreover, among those who put on armor to be soldiers or take up the brush to be clerks, those who die and are forgotten are as many as the hairs on an ox, while those who stand out are like the divine fungus; among those who hold the plain silk and the yellow scrolls and chant of the Way and virtue, those who toil in vain are as rare as an eclipse of the sun, while those who enjoy ease, fame, and profit are like the autumn sow-thistle; how can they be spoken of in the same year? Furthermore I have heard: those born knowing are the highest, and those who learn and then know come next. So the purpose of learning is to make one wiser and clearer. If someone has natural talent [a rare character lost] that stands out above the crowd, who as a general would secretly follow the same methods as Sun Wu and Wu Qi, and in government would hold up the teachings of Guan Zhong and Zichan, then although he has not read books, I too would call him learned. Now since you cannot be like that, and do not model yourselves on the traces of the ancients, you are still like [a rare character lost] lying covered up. People see something fine and pleasant in a neighbor or relative and make their sons and younger brothers admire and learn from it, yet do not know to make them learn from the ancients; how blind this is! The people of the world know only to mount a horse, put on armor, and carry a long-tipped and powerful bow, and say “I can be a general,” without knowing the subtlety of understanding the Way of Heaven, discerning the advantages of terrain, weighing what goes with and what goes against, and perceiving rise and fall. They know only how to receive from above and pass to those below, and to accumulate wealth and store up grain, and say “I can be a chancellor,” without knowing the heights of revering ghosts and serving spirits, changing customs, harmonizing yin and yang, and recommending the worthy and the sage. They know only that private wealth must not come in and public business must be done early, and say “I can govern the people,” without knowing the arts of making oneself sincere in order to set a pattern for others, holding the reins like a woven ribbon, turning back the wind to put out a fire, and transforming owls into phoenixes. They know only to hold to the decree and keep the statute, to punish early and pardon late, and say “I can settle lawsuits,” without knowing the discernment of observing guilt from sharing one carriage shaft, dividing a sword to chase down property, exposing treachery through a false statement, and obtaining the facts without questioning. And so on to farmers, merchants, craftsmen, traders, menials, and slaves [a rare character lost], fishing, butchering, feeding oxen, and herding sheep: all have earlier masters who can serve as models, and seeking broad learning from them is without exception useful for the matter at hand. So reading and learning are meant to open the mind and brighten the eyes for the benefit of conduct. For one who does not yet know how to care for his parents, have him look at how the ancients anticipated their parents' wishes and obeyed their expressions, with gentle voices and lowered breath, not fearing toil to provide sweet and soft food, so that he is stirred with shame and fear and rises to act; for one who does not yet know how to serve his ruler, have him look at how the ancients kept to their posts without encroaching, gave their lives in the face of danger, and never forgot to admonish sincerely for the benefit of the state, so that he is moved to think of imitating them; for one who has always been arrogant and extravagant, have him look at how the ancients were respectful and thrifty, humbled themselves to tend their character, took ritual as the root of teaching and reverence as the foundation of the person, so that he is startled and loses his composure, composing his face and curbing his will; for one who has always been mean and stingy, have him look at how the ancients valued righteousness and made light of wealth, had little selfishness and few desires, shunned fullness and hated surplus, and relieved the poor [a rare character lost] and needy, so that he blushes with shame and regret and learns to accumulate yet disperse; for one who has always been violent and fierce, have him look at how the ancients were small-minded and demoted themselves, how the teeth [a rare character lost] are gone while the tongue remains, how they bore insults and hid their faults, honored the worthy and tolerated the multitude, so that he is crestfallen as if unable to bear his own clothes; for one who has always been timid and cowardly, have him look at how the ancients understood life and entrusted themselves to fate, were strong, resolute, and upright, had to be true to what they said, and sought blessing without turning aside, so that he is fired up and cannot be intimidated. From this on, a hundred conducts are all like this; even if he cannot become simple, he can drop what is excessive and extreme, and what he knows from learning will apply everywhere. Among people of the world who read books, some can only talk about it and cannot do it, with no word of loyalty or filial piety and a lack of benevolence and righteousness; moreover, to settle a lawsuit need not mean he gets the right of it, to govern a county of a thousand households need not mean he manages its people, ask him about building a house and he need not know that the lintel is horizontal and the short pillar upright, ask him about farming fields and he need not know that millet is early and sorghum is late; they chant, whistle, banter, and recite verse and rhapsody, the matter being leisurely while their talent grows wild and impractical, and they have not the slightest use for the planning of army and state, and that is why they are mocked and slandered by soldiers and vulgar clerks alike; the reason is truly this. Learning is meant for gaining benefit. When a person sees that he has read a few dozen scrolls and becomes proud, bullying his elders and slighting his peers, so that people hate him like an enemy and loathe him like an owl, such a person damages himself by learning, and he would be better off without learning. The learners of old studied for themselves, to make up what they lacked; the learners of today study for others, and can only talk. The learners of old studied for others, practicing the Way to benefit the world; the learners of today study for themselves, cultivating themselves to seek advancement. A learner is like one planting a tree: in spring he enjoys its blossoms, in autumn he climbs up to gather its fruit; discussing and writing essays are the spring blossoms, and cultivating oneself and benefiting conduct is the autumn fruit. When a person is young [a rare character lost] his spirit is concentrated, but after he has grown up his thoughts scatter, so he must be taught early and not miss the time. When I was seven I recited the Rhapsody on the Hall of Numinous Light, and even today, going over it once in ten years, I do not forget it; the classics I recited after twenty, if I set them aside for a month, would be overgrown with neglect. Yet when a person has stumbled [a rare character lost] and lost his prime, he should still study late and not give himself up. Confucius said that studying the Changes at fifty one can avoid great errors. Wei Wu and Yuan Yi grew more devoted in old age; these are cases of those who studied when young and did not tire into old age. Zengzi began to study at seventy and was famous throughout the world; Xun Qing began to travel and study at fifty and still became a great scholar; Gongsun [a rare character lost] read the Spring and Autumn Annals only after forty and so rose to be chancellor; Zhu Yun also began at forty to study the Changes and the Analects; Huangfu Mi began at twenty to be taught the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects; all became great scholars in the end. These were all cases of being confused early and awakening late. People of the world who have not studied by the time of marriage and capping say it is already evening, and, procrastinating and facing the wall, they too are foolish [a rare character lost]. One who learns when young is like the light of the rising sun; one who learns in old age is like walking by candlelight at night, and still better than closing one's eyes and seeing nothing. The rise and fall of learning follows the weight the age gives it. In the Han dynasty the worthy and the outstanding all mastered a single classic [a rare character lost]. The Way of the sages above illuminates the seasons of heaven and below covers human affairs, and many have reached the rank of minister or chancellor through it. From the degenerate age on this is no longer so: people hold empty to the chapters and verses and merely recite their teachers' words, and applied to worldly affairs almost none of it is useful, so the sons of scholar-officials all value breadth and are unwilling to specialize in Confucianism. In the Liang dynasty, from the imperial grandsons on down, in the years of their childhood tufts they must first enter school, and one can see their ambitions; after taking up their careers they follow literary clerkship, and almost none finishes the course. Those among the high officials who did so include He [a rare character lost], Liu Xiao, Ming Shanbin, Zhou She, Zhu Yi, Zhou [a rare character lost]zheng, He Chen, He Ge, Xiao Zizheng, Liu Tao, and others, who were versed in both literature and history and did not merely lecture. In Luoyang I have also heard of Cui Hao, Zhang Wei, and Liu Fang, and in Ye I saw Xing Zicai; these four Confucians, though fond of the classical arts, also made their names for breadth of talent. Such worthies are naturally of the first class; beyond them most are idle men of the fields, with vulgar speech, clumsy manners, each obstinate in his own way and good for nothing; ask them one sentence and they answer with several hundred, yet demand the gist and perhaps there is no point [a rare character lost]. In Ye there is a saying: “The scholar bought a donkey, and the deed filled three sheets of paper without the word ‘donkey’ in it.” If you were to take such a man as your teacher, it would choke you with exasperation. Confucius said that in learning, a salary lies within it. Now if one exerts himself in useless things, I fear it is not the proper occupation. The books of the sages were set up to teach; one only needs to understand the text of the classics thoroughly and roughly grasp the commentaries and meanings, so that one's words and deeds always have something to show for it, and that is enough to be a person. Why must “Zhongni was at leisure” require two sheets of paper [a rare character lost] on the meaning, and where indeed are the “resting chamber” and the “lecture hall”? What benefit is there in winning by this? Time is precious, like flowing water; you should read widely in the essentials to help your achievements. If one can be fine in both, I have nothing more to say. The common Confucian scholars do not look into the various books and are limited to what lies outside the classics and their apocrypha [a rare character lost]. When I first entered Ye, I associated with Cui Wenyan of Boling, and once said that in the Collected Works of Wang Can there is the matter of Wang Can's criticism of Zheng [a rare character lost] on the Book of Documents. Cui passed it on to the various Confucians, but just as he was about to open his mouth he was shouted down: “A collection of writings only contains poems, rhapsodies, inscriptions, and eulogies; what business does it have discussing the classics? Besides, among the former Confucians we have never heard of Wang Can.” Cui laughed and withdrew, and in the end did not show them the Collected Works of Wang Can. When Wei Shou was in the Deliberation Office discussing matters of the ancestral temple with the various erudites, he cited the Book of Han, and the erudites laughed and said they had never heard that the Book of Han could prove the classical arts. Wei grew angry, said nothing more, took the Biography of Wei [a rare character lost]cheng, threw it down, and rose. The erudites all searched through it that night, and in the morning came to apologize: “We never imagined that Wei [a rare character lost]cheng was so learned.” The books of Laozi and Zhuangzi in general aim at keeping the true and nourishing one's nature, unwilling to let things burden oneself; thus Laozi hid his name as a Keeper of the Pillar yet in the end walked into the shifting sands, and Zhuangzi concealed his tracks in the Lacquer Garden and finally declined the post of chancellor of Chu; these were people who followed their own course. He Yan and Wang Bi took them as their ancestors and elaborated [a rare character lost], boasting of and honoring one another, with followers sticking like shadows and bending like grass, all supposing that the transformation of Shennong and Huangdi lay in their own persons and discarding the work of Zhou and Confucius. Yet He Pingshu was executed for belonging to the faction of Cao Shuang and ran into the net of death-dealing power; Wang Fusi was struck by illness for often laughing at others and fell into the pit of the love of winning; Shan Juyuan was mocked for hoarding and went against the text that says much storing brings heavy loss; Xiahou [a rare character lost] was killed for his talent and reputation and had no lesson of the useless crooked and gnarled tree; Xun Fengqian died of grief at the loss of his wife, which was not the feeling of one who beats a pot; Wang Yifu was unable to bear his grief over his son, unlike the detachment of the Eastern Gate; Ji Shuye was brought disaster by flouting custom, how was he one who softens his light and joins the dust; Guo Zi[a rare character lost] was swayed by power and influence, where was the attitude of putting oneself behind and the self outside; Ruan Sizong sank in wine and was lost in confusion, which went against the metaphor of warning one another about the perilous road; Xie [a rare character lost]yu was dismissed for taking bribes, abandoning the [a rare character lost] of the leftover fish. Those people were themselves leaders [a rare character lost] to whom the schools looked; as for the rest, those bound in fetters in the dust and dregs and toppled beneath fame and profit, how could I list them all? They merely took from them their pure talk and elegant discussion, their dissecting [a rare character lost] and analyzing of subtle points, host and guest going back and forth to please the mind and delight the ear, which is not the essential for rescuing the world and shaping customs. When the Liang era came this trend was revived; the Zhuangzi, the Laozi, and the Changes were together called the Three [a rare character lost]; Emperor Wu and Emperor Jianwen personally lectured on them, and Zhou [a rare character lost]zheng assisted the great plan; its influence ran through the capital and towns, with over a thousand students, truly a splendid time. Emperor Yuan between Jiangling and Jingzhou also loved and practiced it, summoned and established students and personally taught them, forgetting sleep and food, carrying night into morning, and when weary or sorrowful or angry he would relieve himself through lecturing. At that time I took a place rather at the end of the seats and received his teaching in person, but as I was dull by nature, I did not love it. When Emperor Xiaozhao of Qi attended the illness of Empress Dowager Lou, his face was haggard and his food and drink were reduced. Xu Zhicai applied moxibustion to two points for her, and the emperor clenched his fist to bear the pain in her stead, his nails going into his palm and blood filling his hand. When the Empress Dowager recovered, the emperor soon fell ill and died, and his last edict regretted that he would not see the matter of the Empress Dowager's mountain tomb. His nature was so filial as that, yet he did not know taboos to this extent; truly this was due to lack of learning. If he had seen the ancients' mockery of one who wept wishing his mother would die early, he would not have uttered such words. Filial piety is the head of a hundred conducts, yet it still needs to be polished by learning; how much more the rest? Emperor Yuan of Liang once told me: In former days at Kuaiji when I was only twelve I already loved learning, and at the time I also had scabies, my hand could not make a fist and my knees could not bend; I sat alone in a quiet study with a kudzu curtain spread to ward off flies, a silver bowl holding sweet wine from Shanyin, which I sometimes took to ease the pain, and read histories at will, twenty scrolls a day. I had no teacher, and sometimes did not recognize a character or understand a phrase, yet I valued it myself and never tired. If the son of an emperor in the ease of childhood could be like this, how much more should commoners who hope to get ahead? Ancient people studied diligently: some gripped an awl, some threw down an axe, some read by the snow's light or by a gathered fireflies' glow, some hoed with a classic tied to them, some herded with bamboo slips bound together, and these were also counted as diligent. In the Liang dynasty Liu Qi of Pengcheng, the grandson of Liu Bo, governor of Jiaozhou, lost his father early and was poor, and since lamp oil and candles were hard to come by, he often bought reeds, broke them into pieces by the inch, and burned them to read by at night. When Emperor Xiaoyuan first went out to Kuaiji, he carefully selected his staff, and Qi, for his talent, was made Attendant of the state and also Secretary, and was treated with special courtesy [a rare character lost], finally reaching the rank of Golden Purple Grand Master. Zhu Zhan of Yiyang lived for generations in Jiangling and later went out [a rare character lost] to the capital; he loved learning and had no means because of poverty; for days on end he did not eat [a rare character lost] and would at times swallow paper to fill his belly; in the cold he had no felt or quilt and slept hugging a dog, and the dog, being also hungry, got up to steal food, and when called did not come, and its pitiful cries moved the neighbors, yet he did not neglect his studies and finally became a scholar, rising to be Recorder Staff Officer under Zhennan, and was treated with courtesy by Emperor Xiaoyuan. This was something that cannot be imitated, but he too was one of the diligent. Zang Fengshi of Dongguan, at over twenty, wanted to read Ban Gu's Book of Han but was troubled by the short loan period, so he begged his brother-in-law Liu Huan for the blank ends of calling cards and letters and copied out a copy by hand; the commandery admired his ambition, and he became known in the end for the Book of Han. In Qi there was the eunuch palace attendant Tian Pengluan, originally a Man tribesman, who at fourteen or fifteen, when he first became a palace gatekeeper, already knew to love learning, carrying books in his sleeves and bosom and reciting them from dawn to dusk. His position was lowly and his labors hard, but he would watch for a free moment to go around and ask questions, and whenever he sat in the Wenlin Hall he was panting and sweating, and apart from asking about books he had no time for other talk; when he saw ancient stories of integrity and righteousness, he never failed to be moved and murmur over them for a long time. I pitied him greatly and rewarded him doubly. Later he was favored and given the name Jingxuan, and rose to Palace Attendant with the rank of Kaifu. When the last ruler fled to Qingzhou, he was sent west to scout, was captured by the Zhou army, and when asked where the King of Qi was, he deceived them that he had already left and was probably about to cross the border. They suspected he did not mean it, beat him and pressed him to confess, and each time a limb was broken his words and expression grew more fierce, until he died with all four limbs severed. A boy of the Man barbarians could still become loyal through learning; the generals and ministers of Qi were not even equal to Jingxuan's slaves. After Ye was pacified, I was relocated into the pass; Silu once said to me: “At court I have no salary or post and at home we have no savings; I ought to use up my strength to support you; yet each time I am pressed to study the classics and histories diligently, and I do not know whether it is right for a son to be at ease.” I ordered him to say: A son should hold support in his mind, and a father should teach through learning. If you make me give up learning to pursue wealth in order to enrich my clothing and food, how could the food be sweet to me and the clothing warm? If I devote myself to the Way of the former kings and continue the family trade, then wild greens [a rare character lost] and coarse brown cloth are what I am willing to have. The Book of Documents says that one who likes to ask questions has plenty; the Book of Rites says that one who studies alone without friends is narrow-minded and poorly informed; probably one needs mutual polishing and enlightenment to understand. I have seen many who shut their doors to read, trust their own mind and are self-satisfied, and who are mistaken before a crowd and feel shame. The Guliang Commentary says that Prince You fought with Ju Na, and those around called out “Meng Lao”; Meng Lao is the name of a precious sword of Lu, which also appears in the Guangya. Recently, when I was in Qi, there was a Jiang Zhongyue who said that the people at the prince's side were surnamed Meng and named Lao, a man of great strength, treasured by the state, and he argued bitterly with me. At the time the governor of Qinghe, Xing Zhi, was a great scholar of his day and helped to prove my point, and only then did he flush with shame and give in. Again, the Records of the Three Capital Districts says that on the pillar of Emperor Ling's hall was inscribed “How imposing is Zhang, the young man Tian of the capital”; this is a quotation from the Analects, used by chance as a four-character epithet for Tian Feng of the capital. A certain talented man claimed that both the capital governor Zhang and Young Tian were imposing at that time. On hearing what I said, he was at first greatly startled, and afterward felt shame and regret. In Jiangnan a powerful nobleman read a faulty copy of the annotation to the Rhapsody on the Capital of Shu, in which “crouching owl” means taro, but was written with the character for “sheep.” When someone sent him mutton, he replied in his letter: “I am much obliged for your gift of crouching owl,” and the whole court was startled and could not understand the meaning, and only long afterward did they trace it down and learn how it was. In the time of the Yuan family at the capital Luoyang, a talented and important minister had newly obtained the Pronunciations of the Records of the Historian, which was rather flawed; he mistakenly gave the fanqie for the word Zhuanxu, where xu should have been read with the final of “xu lu,” but he wrote it as “xu yuan,” and then one by one he cited all the mistaken pronunciations of the past, saying that “Zhuan Xu” should be read “Zhuan Xuan.” This man already had a great name and people believed and followed him in unison. A year later some great scholars studied it bitterly and only then found that it was wrong. The Book of Han's appraisal of Wang Mang says “a purple-colored [a rare character lost] voice, a leftover and intercalary position,” which means that the false was used to confuse the true. Once I was discussing books with someone and talked about Wang Mang's appearance, and a gifted man who prided himself on historical learning and whose reputation was very high said that Wang Mang not only had owl's eyes and a tiger's mouth, but also a purple complexion and a frog's voice. Again, the Treatise on Rites and Music says that mare's milk wine was given to the Grand Provisioner, and Li Qi's commentary says that the wine was made from mare's milk, pounded and pounded until done, with both characters having the hand radical. “Chong” (pronounced du-shu fan) and “dong” (pronounced da-kong fan) mean pounding, ramming, and churning, and so it is today in making koumiss. That scholar then thought it was when the tung trees were planted that the Grand Provisioner's mare's milk wine had just finished brewing; his ignorance came to this. Yang Su of Taishan also claimed learning, but read Pan Yue's rhapsody line “the date of King Wen of Zhou with weak twigs” with “staff” as in leaning on a staff; and in the Shiben, “Rong Cheng made the calendar,” he took “calendar” to be the “mill” of a grinding stone. In speaking and composing, quoting ancient pronunciations must be done by one's own eyes in study, and one must not trust what one receives by ear. Among scholar-officials in the villages of Jiangnan, some, lacking learning and ashamed to seem crude, hear things on the road and force themselves to dress up their speech: they call “testing evidence” “Zhou Zheng,” call cholera “Bo Lu,” say “west of the gorges” when going up to Jingzhou and say “going to the sea commandery” when going down to Yangdu, say “fill the mouth with paste” for eating, “Kong Fang” for money, “Chuqiu” for moving house, “Yan Er” for marriage, and as for Wang, they always say Zhongxuan and for Liu always Gonggan; there are some one or two hundred such items, passed down by imitation, and when asked no one knows the source, and when used they again lose the Zhuangzi sense. There is the phrase “a magpie rising when the time comes,” and thus Xie Tiao's poem says “the magpies rise and ascend the Wu Terrace.” I had a relative on my mother's side who wrote a poem for the Seventh Night saying “Tonight the magpies of the Wu Terrace also go together to fill the river.” The Record of Mount Luofu says that looking at trees on level ground they look like shepherd's purse, and thus Dai Hao's poem says “the trees of Chang'an are like shepherd's purse”; and in Ye a man in a poem about trees said “looking far to Chang'an's shepherd's purse.” I have also seen people call arrogance “kuapi” and call the aged “rich in springs and autumns,” all faults of learning by ear. Characters are the root of the books and records, yet many students of the world do not know characters. Those who read the Five Classics follow Xu Miao rather than Xu Shen, those who study rhapsodies trust Chu Quan and ignore Lü Chen, those who understand the Records of the Historian specialize in Pi and Zou and neglect the seal and large-seal scripts, those who study the Book of Han delight in Ying and Su and neglect the Cang and the Ya, not knowing that the sound of writing is its branches and leaves and the study of characters is its ancestral line. As for seeing the Pronunciations and Meanings of Fu [a rare character lost] and Zhang Yi, they value them, but when they get the Tongsu and the Guangya they do not deign to look at them; being so fickle with one hand, how much more across different periods and different persons! [The people of the world all take the Tongsu wen as made by Fu [a rare character lost]. I do not know whether they look down on it because it is not by Fu [a rare character lost], or look down on it because they think it is by Fu [a rare character lost], so this discussion goes with the common view.] A learner values wide learning. Of commanderies, states, mountains, rivers, official ranks, surnames and clans, clothing, food and drink, vessels and institutions, they all want to trace to the root, yet toward writing they are careless. Their own names often have errors, and even if they are not wrong they do not know the reason. In recent times people have given names to their sons so that brothers all have the mountain radical and one is named Zhi, brothers all have the wood radical and one is named Ji, brothers all have the water radical and one is named Ning. Famous scholars and great learners have many such examples. If someone knows that my bell is out of tune, how laughable it is. I once followed the King of Qi to Bingzhou, entering Shangai county from the Jingxing Pass, and several dozen li to the east there was a village named Lielü; later the officials received horse fodder in the east of Jinyang, over a hundred li away, beside the city of Kangchou; none of us recognized what these two places originally were, and searching widely through ancient and modern sources we could not find out. When I checked the Zilin and the Yunji, I learned that Lielü was formerly a [a rare character lost] remainder village [pronounced like “lie” of fang], and Kangchou was formerly a [a rare character lost] [a rare character lost] pavilion [the upper one pronounced wu-an fan, the lower one chou], both belonging to Shangai. At that time Wang Shao of Taiyuan wished to write notes on the records of his home district and was delighted to hear these two names. When I first read the Zhuangzi “the gui with two heads,” and the Hanfeizi says that [a rare character lost] there is a gui whose one body has two mouths that fight over food, bite each other, and so kill each other, I did not recognize what sound this character had and asked everyone I met, and none could explain it. According to the Erya and other books, the pupa of the silkworm is called gui [pronounced kui], and it is not a thing with two heads and two mouths that greedily harms; later I saw the Gujin Zipu, and this is also the old form of the character hui for viper, and what had been stuck for years was suddenly dispelled like fog. Once, traveling in Zhaozhou, I saw a small stream north of Bairen City, which the locals also did not know the name of. Later I read Xu Zheng's stele at the west gate of the city, which said “the bo flow points east,” and no one recognized it. I checked the Shuowen: this character is the old form of po, and bo describes shallow water. This stream had had no name since the Han, and was called only by its shallow appearance, and perhaps it was in fact named Bo. In letters in the world people often write “wuwu,” passing it down as it has been without knowing the source, and some claim this is a damaged form of “huhu.” According to the Shuowen, wu is the banner set up in districts and villages, which shows its pole and its three streamers, used to hasten the people's affairs, and so those who are hurried are said to be “wuwu.” In Yizhou I once sat with several people; the sun had just cleared and was bright, and seeing small spots of light on the ground I asked those beside me what they were. A Shu boy went over to look and answered: “Those are dou bi.” We looked at one another in astonishment, not knowing what he meant; we had them fetched and they were small beans. Asking all over the Shu region, we found that grains are called bi there, and at the time no one could explain it. I said: In the Sancang and the Shuowen this character has bai below [a rare character lost] and both gloss it as grain, and the Tongsu wen gives the sound as fang-li fan. Everyone was delighted and enlightened. Dou Rutong, the brother-in-law of Minchu, came from Hezhou and got a blue bird that he tamed and kept as a pet, and his whole clan called it a he. I said that the he comes from Shangdang, I have seen it many times, and it is always yellow-black without mottling, so Prince Si of Chen's Rhapsody on the He says “the strong feathers of [a rare character lost] [a rare character lost] yellow.” Try checking the Shuowen: the fen (pronounced fen) sparrow resembles the he but is blue and comes from among the Qiang, and the Yunji gives the pronunciation as fen; this doubt was resolved at once. In the Liang era there was Cai Lang, whose personal name was Chun, and since he did not study, he called the water shield (chun) “dew mallow.” Those who face the wall copied one another in turn. In the Chengsheng era a scholar-official was sent as envoy to Qi, and the Qi master of guests, Li Shu, asked the Liang envoy: “Is there dew mallow in Jiangnan?” He answered: “Dew mallow is the water shield, produced in watery regions. What you are eating now is green mallow greens.” Li was also learned, but could not gauge the depth of the other, and hearing it suddenly had no way to investigate it further. The brother-in-law of Silu and the others, the uncle by marriage Liu Ling of Pengcheng, once sat with me, with his sons attending at his side. I asked Ruxing and Minxing: “Characters that have the same sound as the personal name of the Counselor, can you recognize all of them, in whatever number?” They answered: “We have not looked into it; please instruct us.” I said: In a case like this, if you do not investigate beforehand and suddenly come on one you do not recognize, and mistakenly ask someone about it, you may instead be cheated by a rascal, and that is not easy to put right. So I told them, and came to some fifty characters. The Lius sighed: “We never expected it was so; if we had never known it, that would also be a strange thing.” Collating and correcting books is also by no means easy; only [a rare character lost] Xiong and Liu Xiang were fit for this post. If one has not looked at all the books in the world, one must not recklessly apply orpiment to them. Some think this wrong and others think it right; or the beginning is the same and the end differs; or both texts are missing; one must not trust one corner alone.

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Literature originally comes from the Five Classics: edicts, commands, policy memorials, and proclamations arise from the Book of Documents; prefaces, narratives, treatises, and debates arise from the Changes; songs, rhapsodies, and hymns arise from the Songs; sacrificial and mourning texts and eulogies arise from the Rites; memorials, admonitions, and inscriptions arise from the Spring and Autumn Annals. The court's statutes, military oaths and proclamations, the spreading of benevolence and righteousness, the illuminating of merit and virtue, the shepherding of people and founding of states, are applied in many ways; as for refining the spirit and offering gentle admonition, to enter into its savor is also a pleasure. If you have energy left over from conduct, you may practice it. Yet from antiquity literary men have mostly fallen into frivolity: Qu Yuan displayed his talent [a rare character lost] and exposed his ruler's faults; Song Yu had a handsome and delicate appearance and was treated as a jester; Dongfang Shuo was a buffoon and not elegant; Sima Xiangru stole wealth and lacked principle; Wang Bao's faults appear in the Contract of the Servant; [a rare character lost] Xiong's virtue was ruined by his Praise of the New Dynasty; Li Ling surrendered in disgrace to the barbarians; Liu Xin turned back and forth in the age of Wang Mang; Fu Yi joined a powerful household's faction; Ban Gu plagiarized his father's history; Zhao Yuanshu was excessively haughty; Feng Jingtong was shunned for flashiness; Ma Jizhang was mocked for fawning; Cai Yong was executed for sympathizing with an evil man; Wu Zhi slandered his own village; Cao Zhi was unruly and broke the law; Du Du begged for favors without end; Lu Cui was excessively narrow; Chen Lin was really coarse; Fan Qin had no restraint in his nature; Liu Zhen was stubborn and sentenced to labor; Wang Can was rash and disliked; Kong Rong and Mi Heng died of arrogance and pride; Yang Xiu and Ding Yi were killed for stirring up trouble; Ruan Ji was rude and spoiled customs; Ji Kang bullied others and [a rare character lost] met his end; Fu [a rare character lost] lost office over a quarrel; Sun Chu boasted and bullied those above him; Lu Ji went against order and walked into danger; Pan Yue gambled on chances and met peril; Yan Yannian was dismissed in a fit of temper; Xie Lingyun was empty-headed and disordered discipline; Wang Yuanchang [a rare character lost] brought harm upon himself; Xie [a rare character lost] Hui was undone by insolence. These people were all outstanding, and I cannot record them all, but that is the general picture. Even emperors may not be exempt. Of emperors with literary talent since antiquity, only Emperor Wu of Han, Taizu, Emperor Wen and Emperor Ming of Wei, and Emperor Xiaowu of Song bore the world's criticism; they were not rulers of excellent virtue. Of men such as Ziyou, Zixia, Xun Kuang, Mencius, Mei Cheng, Jia Yi, Su Wu, Zhang Heng, and Zuo Si, who had great fame and escaped misfortune, I occasionally hear of a few, but more were damaged and ruined. I have often reflected and traced the origin of the accumulation: the form of literature lifts up inspiration and draws out the spirit, making people boastful, and so they neglect to hold to principles and are bold in pushing forward. The literati of today suffer this more acutely: when one matter hits the mark or one line is clean and clever, their spirit soars to the ninth heaven and their will bestrides a thousand years, and they chant and admire themselves without noticing that anyone else exists. Moreover the injury of gravel is crueler than a spear [a rare character lost], and the disaster of satire is swifter than wind and dust; one should guard against this and think ahead to preserve one's great good fortune. Learning has its sharp and dull, literary writing its skillful and clumsy. Dull learning, accumulating effort, does no harm to becoming thoroughly skilled; clumsy writing, studied and pondered, in the end remains ugly. If one only becomes a learned man, that is enough to be a person; if one certainly lacks natural talent, do not force yourself to take up the brush. I have seen many people who are without literary thought yet consider themselves refined and circulate ugly and clumsy work. In Jiangnan this is called “an advertisement of foolishness” (ling, pronounced li-zheng fan). Recently in Bingzhou there was a man of good family who liked to write laughable poems and rhapsodies, and provoked the likes of Xing and Wei; the crowd mocked him together while falsely praising him, and he killed an ox and strained wine to invite more reputation. His wife was a woman of clear judgment and wept as she remonstrated with him. The man sighed: “If my talent is not tolerated by my own wife, how much less by strangers on the road!” and he never realized his error to his death. To see oneself as one is called clear sight, and this is truly difficult. When learning to write, first consult relatives and friends, and only after receiving their judgment set it out; above all, do not trust your own mind and take it on yourself, becoming a laughingstock to others. From ancient times how many have taken up the brush to compose, beyond counting, yet only a few dozen pieces reach the level of grandeur and essence. If one does not lose the proper form and the diction and meaning are worth looking at, he may be called a man of talent; if you want to move the vulgar and overshadow the age, you will have to wait for the Yellow River to run clear. Not to bend to a second family was the integrity of Bo Yi and Shu Qi; “what business is not serving a ruler” was the righteousness of Yi Yin and Jizi. Since the Spring and Autumn period, families have fled and states have been swallowed up, and ruler and minister have had no fixed standing. Yet the friendship of gentlemen never speaks ill when it breaks; once one bends the knee to serve another, how can one change one's mind with survival or loss? Chen Lin, drafting letters for Yuan Shao, called Cao Cao a jackal and wolf, and, issuing proclamations in Wei, regarded Yuan Shao as a snake and viper; this was commanded by the rulers of the time and was not at his own discretion, but it is also a great trouble for a literary man and should be weighed calmly. Someone asked [a rare character lost] Xiong: “You, sir, loved rhapsodies when young.” Xiong said: “Yes. Carving insects and engraving seals is not what a grown man does.” I privately objected: Emperor Shun sang the poem “South Wind,” the Duke of Zhou composed the ode “Owl,” and the beauty of the Ya and Song by Yin Jifu and Shi Ke, and I have not heard that any of them harmed their virtue in their [a rare character lost] years. Confucius said that without studying the Songs one cannot speak; after returning from Wei to Lu, the Ya and Song each found their place in the music, and in making clear the Way of filial piety he also cited the Songs as proof. How would [a rare character lost] Xiong dare slight this? If one speaks of the poets' rhapsodies being fine and regulated and the writers' rhapsodies being fine and licentious, he only knew change, and I do not know what Xiong's calling himself a grown man amounted to. He wrote Criticizing Qin and Praising Xin, and recklessly threw himself from the pavilion, panicking and terrified, not understanding the mandate of Heaven; this was a child's act. Huan Tan thought it surpassed Laozi, and Ge Hong compared it to Zhongni, which makes one sigh. This man, only because he understood calculation and knew yin and yang, wrote his Supreme [a rare character lost] Classic and was misled by those few men. His left-behind words and conduct did not equal Xunzi or Qu Yuan; how dare he look up to the clear dust of the great sage? Moreover, what use at all is the Supreme [a rare character lost] now? It is only fit for covering sauce jars. In Qi there was Xin Pi, a pure and capable man who rose to be Secretary of the branch secretariat, who scorned literature and mocked Liu Ti, saying: “Your fine phrases are like flowers, a toy of a moment and not great talent; how can they compare with our ten-fathom pines, which always face wind and frost and cannot wither?” Liu replied at once: “If there are cold-resistant trees that also put out spring blossoms, what then?” Xin laughed and said: “That will do.” Writing is like a person riding a thoroughbred: though it has high spirit, it must be controlled with bit and bridle, not allowed to run wild off the track and fill the ditch at will [a rare character lost]. Writing should take reason and tone as its heart and kidneys, spirit and cadence as its sinews and bones, subject matter and meaning as its skin, and beauty and ornament as its crown. In the present age people follow one another in chasing the tip and abandoning the root, and mostly are flashy: diction competes with reason, and when diction wins, reason lies hidden; subject matter contends with talent, and when matter is abundant, talent is damaged. The unrestrained drift on and forget to return; the forced and far-fetched patch and still fall short. Such are the customs of the time; how can I alone go against them? I only strive to drop what is excessive and extreme. If someone of great talent and weighty reputation appears who can reform the style, that is truly what I hope for. The writings of the ancients had grand talent and unrestrained spirit, and their bearing and style are truly far from today's, though their stringing together was sparse and plain and not yet fine and dense. Today's world has harmonious and delicate tones, parallel couplets in chapters and lines, and detailed avoidance of taboos, and is much better than the past. One should take the ancients' regulation as the root and today's diction and meter as the branches, and both must be kept, neither discarded one-sidedly. My family's writings through the generations have been very correct and standard, and do not follow common fashion. When Emperor Xiaoyuan of Liang was in his princely residence he compiled the New Writings of the Western Prefecture, and not a single piece from our family's historical biographies was included, also because they did not suit the age and had no tunes of Zheng and Wei. We had twenty scrolls of poems, rhapsodies, inscriptions, eulogies, letters, memorials, and notes [a rare character lost], and my brothers were still drafting and had not arranged them, when they were burned by fire and in the end were not handed down to the world, and the grief of it has gone to the marrow of my heart. Our conduct appears in the Biographies of Literary Men in the History of Liang and in Emperor Xiaoyuan's Records of Old Friends. Shen Yue said: writing should follow three easy points: first, easy to see the allusions; second, easy to recognize the characters; third, easy to read and recite. Xing Zicai often said: Marquis Shen's writing uses allusions without letting people notice, like words from the heart; and he admired this deeply. Zu Xiaozheng also once told me: “Shen's poem says ‘the cliff leans and guards the stone marrow’; how does that look like using an allusion?” Xing Zicai and Wei Shou both had great fame, and the customs of the time took them as standards and regarded them as teachers and masters. Xing admired Shen Yue and looked down on Ren Fang, while Wei admired Ren Fang and disparaged Shen Yue, and in conversation their tone and expressions were affected by this; in Ye there was a flurry of opinion with each having his own faction. Zu Xiaozheng once said to me: “The right and wrong of Ren and Shen is the superiority and inferiority of Xing and Wei.” The Collected Works of Wu Jun has a Rhapsody on the Broken Mirror. In the past, a town named Chaoge was not stayed in overnight by Yan Yuan, and a village named Shengmu (Victory over the Mother) made Zengzi straighten his robe, out of dislike that a bad name would harm the reality. The broken mirror is a [a rare character lost] rebellious beast, found in the Book of Han, and in writing one is fortunate to avoid this name. Recently I have often seen those who answer someone else's poem titling it “Respectfully in Accord.” The Classic of Filial Piety says “taking the way of serving the father to serve the ruler, and the reverence is the same,” so one must not use the phrase lightly. In the Liang era Fei Xu's poem says “I do not know whether it is right or wrong,” and Yin Yun's poem says “the drifting boat of mica clouds.” Emperor Jianwen said: Xu does not recognize his father, and Yun makes his mother drift. Although these are all old matters, they cannot be used. Some in the world write essays citing the Songs' “beating the drum, boom boom,” and the Book of Song already has a mocking remark about repeatedly roaming; such things should be avoided. Facing north to serve one's parent while bidding farewell to an uncle and yet writing the ode “Wei Yang”; or supporting the aged in the hall while seeing off one's elder brother and yet composing the sorrow of “Cypress Boat”: these are great errors. Taking this one example, one should be careful everywhere. When Jiangnan writing is offered for criticism, one should know a flaw and correct it at once, as the Prince of Chen got from Ding Yi. In the customs of Shandong, argument and disputation are not conducted, and when I first entered Ye I offended people by this, and regret it to this day; you must not criticize lightly. In all cases of writing on behalf of someone else, one uses that person's voice; that is only proper. But as for those who mourn [a rare character lost] misfortunes,

辭不可輒代蔡邕為胡金盈作母靈表頌曰悲母氏之不永然委我而夙喪又為胡顥作其父銘曰我考議郎君袁三公頌曰猗歟我祖出自有媯王粲為潘文則思親詩云躬此勞瘁鞠予小人庶我顯妣克保遐年而並載乎邕粲之集此例甚眾古人之所行今世以為諱陳思王武帝誄遂深永蟄之思潘岳悼亡賦乃愴手澤之遺是方父於蟲匹婦於考也蔡邕楊秉碑雲統大麓之重潘尼贈盧景宣詩云九五思飛龍孫楚王驃騎誄雲奄忽登遐陸機又誄雲億兆宅心敦敘百揆姊誄雲俔天之和今為此言則朝廷之辠人也王粲贈楊德祖詩云我君餞之其樂洩洩不可妄施人子況儲君乎輓歌辭者或雲古者虞嬪之歌或雲出自田橫之客皆為生者悼往苦哀之意陸平原多為死人自嘆之言詩格既無此例又乖製作本意凢詩人之作刺箴美頌各有源流未嘗混雜善惡同篇也陸機為齊謳篇前敘山川物產風教之盛後章忽鄙山川之情踈失厥體其為吳趨行何不陳子光夫差乎京洛行何不述赧王靈帝乎自古宏才博學用事誤者有矣百家雜說或有不同書儻湮滅後人不見故未敢輕議之今指知決紕繆者略舉一兩端以為誡詩云有鷕雉鳴又曰雉鳴求其牡毛傳亦曰鷕雉雌聲又云雉之朝鴝尚求其雌鄭注月令亦云雊雄雉鳴潘岳賦曰雉鷕鷕以朝雊是則混雜其雄雌矣詩云孔懷兄弟孔甚也懷思也言甚可思也陸機與長沙顧母書述從祖弟士璜死乃言痛心防惱有如孔懷心旣痛矣即為甚思何故言有如也觀其此意當謂親兄弟為孔懷詩云父母孔邇而呼二親為孔邇於義通乎異物志雲擁劍狀如蟹但一偏大爾何遜詩云躍魚如擁劒是不分魚蟹也漢書御史府中列栢樹常有野鳥數千棲宿其上晨去暮來號朝夕鳥而文士往往誤作烏鳶用之抱朴子說頃曼都詐稱得仙自雲仙人以流霞一杯與我飲之輒不飢渴而簡文詩云霞流抱朴椀亦猶郭象以惠施之辨為莊周言也後漢書囚司徒崔烈以鋃鐺鏁【上音狼下音當】鋃鐺大鏁也世間多誤作金銀字烈太子亦是數千卷學士嘗作詩云銀鏁三公腳刀撞僕射頭為俗所誤文章地理必須愜當梁簡文雁門太守行乃雲鵞軍功日逐燕騎蕩康居大宛歸善馬小月送降書蕭子暉隴頭水雲天寒隴水急散漫俱分防北注徂黃龍東流防白馬此亦明珠之纇美玉之瑕宜慎之王籍入若耶溪詩云蟬噪林逾靜鳥鳴山更幽江南以為文外斷絶物無異議簡文吟詠不能忘之孝元諷詠以為不可復得至懷舊志載於籍傳范陽盧詢鄴下才俊乃言此不成語何事於能魏收亦然其論詩云蕭蕭馬鳴悠悠斾旌毛傳曰言不諠譁也吾每嘆此解有情致籍詩生於此意耳蘭陵蕭慤梁室上黃侯之子工於篇什嘗有秋詩云芙蓉露下落楊柳月中踈時人未之賞也吾愛其蕭防宛然在目潁川荀仲舉琅琊諸葛漢亦以為爾而盧思道之徒雅所不愜何遜詩實為清巧多形佀之言楊都論者恨其每病苦辛饒貧寒氣不及劉孝綽之雍容也雖然劉甚忌之平生誦何詩云蘧居響北闕防防【乎麥反】不道車又撰詩苑止取何兩篇時人譏其不廣劉孝綽當時既有重名無所與讓唯服謝朓常以謝詩置几案間動靜輒諷味簡文愛陶淵明文亦復如此江南語曰梁有三何子朗最多三何者遜及思澄子朗也子朗信饒清巧思澄遊廬山每有佳篇併為冠絶

the wording must not be readily written on behalf of others. Cai Yong wrote the Eulogy at the Spirit Tablet for Hu Jinying's mother, saying: “I grieve that my mother's years were not long, that she left me and died early.” And in the inscription he wrote for Hu Hao's father he said: [a rare character lost] “my late father, the Counselor.” And the Eulogy of the Three Dukes of Yuan says: “Splendid is my ancestor, who came from the Gui lineage.” Wang Can, writing for Pan Wenze the Poem on Missing Parents, said: “In this toil and exhaustion, you raised me, a small man; may my illustrious mother preserve long years.” Yet all these are included in the collections of Cai Yong and Wang Can. There are many such examples; what the ancients did is taboo in the present age. Prince Si of Chen's Elegy for Emperor Wu thereby deepened the thought of a sleeping insect, and Pan Yue's Rhapsody on Mourning the Dead thereby grieved over the traces left by hand; this is comparing a father to an insect and a wife to a deceased father. Cai Yong's Stele of Yang Bing says “bearing the weight of the great foothills,” Pan Ni's poem to Lu Jingxuan says “the Ninth-Five thinks of the soaring dragon,” Sun Chu's Elegy for General Wang says “suddenly ascending afar,” Lu Ji's elegy also says “the hundred million hearts rest on him, and he fully orders the hundred officials,” and the elegy for his sister says “the sister of Heaven's counterpart.” To say these things now would make one a criminal of the court. Wang Can's poem to Yang Deyu says “our lord sees him off, how joyful and at ease”; one must not apply this recklessly to someone else's son, let alone to the crown prince. As for dirge lyrics, some say they were the funeral songs of the ancients, and some say they come from the retainers of Tian Heng; all were meant by the living to mourn the departed with bitter grief. Lu Ji often wrote them as words of self-lament by the dead, which has no precedent in the form of poetry and also goes against the original intent of composition. In all poetry by poets, satire, admonition, praise, and eulogy each have their own origins, and good and evil have never been mixed in one piece. Lu Ji wrote the Song of Qi, describing first the splendor of the mountains, rivers, products, and customs, and then in a later stanza suddenly belittling the feelings toward the mountains and rivers, which loses the form. In his other piece, Walking on Wu, why does he not set out Prince Guang and Fuchai? In his Song of the Capital Luoyang, why does he not tell of King Nan and Emperor Ling? From antiquity great talents and wide learners have made errors in using allusions, and various miscellaneous schools have their differences; and if books are lost and later people cannot see them, I dare not criticize lightly. Now I will point out only what I certainly know is flawed, citing one or two cases as warnings. The Songs says “the pheasant cries yao,” and also says “the pheasant cries seeking its mate,” and the Mao commentary also says yao is the cry of the hen pheasant; it also says “the pheasant's morning cry still seeks its female,” and Zheng [a rare character lost]'s commentary on the Monthly Ordinances also says gou is the cry of the cock pheasant. Pan Yue's rhapsody says “the pheasant cries yao yao in the morning gou,” which mixes up male and female. The Songs says “very thoughtful brothers”: kong means very, huai means think, so it means greatly to be thought of. Lu Ji, in a letter to Mrs. Gu of Changsha, describing the death of his cousin Shihuang, said “my heart is pained and [a rare character lost] troubled, as if it were kong huai.” If the heart is already pained, then it is very thoughtful; why say “as if”? Judging from his meaning, it seems he is calling his full brothers “kong huai.” The Songs says “parents are very near”; if one called one's parents “very near,” would it make sense? The Record of Strange Things says that the “sword-holder” (a crab) looks like a crab, but one [a rare character lost] pincer is larger. He Xun's poem says “leaping fish like sword-holders,” which fails to tell fish from crab. The Book of Han says that cypress trees were lined up in the Censorate, and there were always several thousand wild birds roosting on them, leaving in the morning and returning in the evening, called the morning-evening birds, and literary men often misuse this to mean crows and kites. The Baopuzi says that Qing Mandu falsely claimed to have become an immortal, and said an immortal gave him a cup of flowing rosy cloud to drink, and he no longer felt hunger or thirst, and Emperor Jianwen's poem says “the cloud flows through Baopu's bowl,” which is also like Guo Xiang taking Hui Shi's argument for Zhuang Zhou's words. The Book of the Later Han says that the Minister of Education Cui Lie was imprisoned and bound with langdang (the former pronounced lang, the latter dang); langdang is a large lock. In the world it is often mistaken for the character for silver. [a rare character lost] Lie's crown prince was also a scholar who had read several thousand scrolls, and once wrote a poem saying “a silver lock on the three dukes' feet, a knife strikes the Palace Secretary's head,” misled by common use. In writing, geography must be accurate. Emperor Jianwen of Liang's Governor of Yanmen says “the goose army attacks the Rizhu, the swallow cavalry sweeps Kangju, Dayuan returns good horses, the Little Yuezhi send surrender letters”; Xiao Zihui's Water of Longtou says “the cold sky, the Long water is swift, scattered and spread all branching [a rare character lost], flowing north toward Huanglong, and east flowing [a rare character lost] Baima.” These are flaws in a bright pearl and blemishes in fine jade, and one should be careful. Wang Ji's poem on Entering the Ruoye Stream says “the cicadas' noise makes the forest quieter, the birds' song makes the mountain more secluded”; in Jiangnan people thought it unmatched beyond the text and no one disagreed. Emperor Jianwen chanted it and could not forget it, Emperor Xiaoyuan recited it and thought it could not be obtained again, and the Records of Old Friends includes it in Ji's biography. Lu Xun of Fanyang, a talented man of Ye, however said this is not language, and how could it count as skill? Wei Shou did likewise. Discussing poetry, they speak of “xiao xiao the horses neigh, you you the banners wave,” which the Mao commentary says means not noisy. I have often sighed that this explanation has charm, and Ji's poem is born from this idea. Xiao Que of Lanling, the son of the Marquis of Shanghuang of the Liang house, was skilled at composing; he once wrote an autumn poem saying “the lotus drops its dew, the willows thin out in the moonlight,” which people at the time did not appreciate. I loved how the desolation [a rare character lost] was plain before my eyes, and Xun Zhongju of Yingchuan and Zhuge Han of Langye also thought so, but Lu Sidao and others were very unsatisfied. He Xun's poetry is truly clear and clever, with many words describing form. Critics in Yangdu regretted that he often suffered bitterness and had much of a poor and cold air, not equal to Liu Xiaochuo's graceful bearing. Even so, Liu was very jealous of him; throughout his life when reciting He's poems he said “Qu's dwelling echoes in the north gate” [a rare character lost] [a rare character lost] [pronounced hu-mai fan] not mentioning the carriage; and when compiling the Garden of Poetry he took only two pieces by He, and people at the time criticized him for not being broad. Liu Xiaochuo already had great fame at the time and yielded to no one, submitting only to Xie Tiao; he often kept Xie's poems on his desk and recited them on every occasion. Emperor Jianwen's love for Tao Yuanming's writings was also like this. A saying of Jiangnan says: in Liang there are three He, and Zilang has the most. The three He are Xun, Sicheng, and Zilang. Zilang truly had much that was clear and clever, and Sicheng, when touring Mount Lu, always produced fine pieces, all of the very first rank.

名之與實猶形之與影也德藝周厚則名必善焉容色姝麗則影必美焉今不修身而求令名於世者猶貌甚惡而責妍影於鏡也上士忘名中士立名下士竊名忘名者體道合德享鬼神之福祐非所以求名也立名者修身慎行懼榮觀之不顯非所以讓名也竊名者厚貌深奸幹浮華之虛稱非所以得名也人足所履不過數寸然而咫尺之途必顛蹷於崖岸拱抱之梁每沈溺於川穀者何哉為其傍無餘地故也君子之立已抑亦如之至誠之言人未能信至潔之行物或致疑皆由言行聲名無餘地也吾每為人所毀常以此自責若能開方軌之路廣造舟之航則仲由之言信重於登壇之盟趙喜之降城賢於折沖之將矣吾見世人清名登而金貝入信譽顯而然諾虧不知後之矛防毀前之幹櫓也宓子賤雲誠於此者形於彼人之虛實真偽在乎心無不見乎跡但察之未熟耳一為察之所鑑巧偽不如拙誠承之以羞大矣伯石讓卿王莽辭政當於爾時自以巧宻後人書之留傳萬代可為骨寒毛竪也近有大貴孝悌著聲前後居喪哀毀逾制亦足以髙於人矣而嘗以苫塊之中以巴豆塗臉遂使成瘡表哭泣之過左右童竪不能掩之益使外人謂其居處飲食皆為不信以一偽喪百誠者乃貪名不已故也有一士族讀書不過二三百卷天才鈍拙而家世殷厚雅自矜持多以酒犢珍玩交諸名士甘其餌者遞相吹噓朝廷以為文華亦嚐出境聘東萊王韓晉明篤好文學疑彼製作多非機杼遂設防言面相討試竟日歡諧辭人滿席屬音賦韻命筆為詩彼造次即成了非向韻眾客各自沈吟遂無覺者韓退嘆曰果如所量韓又嘗問曰王珽杼上終葵首嘗作何形乃答雲珽頭曲圜勢如葵葉耳韓既有學忍笑為吾說之治防子弟文章以為聲價太事也一則不可常繼終露其情二則學者有憑益不精勵鄴下有一少年出為襄國令頗自勉篤公事經懷每加撫防以求聲譽凢遣兵役握手送離或齎棃棗餅餌人人贈別雲上命相煩情所不忍道路飢渴以此見思民庶稱之不容於口及遷為泗州別駕貲費日廣不可常週一有偽情觸塗難繼功績遂敗損矣或問曰夫神滅形消遺聲餘價亦猶蟬殻虵皮獸迒鳥跡耳何預於死者而聖人以為教乎對曰勸也勸其立名則獲其實且勸一伯夷而千萬人立清風矣勸一季札而千萬人立仁風矣勸一柳下惠而千萬人立真風矣勸一史魚而千萬人立直風矣故聖人慾其魚鱗鳯翼雜沓參差不絶於世豈不哉四海悠悠皆慕名者葢因其情而致其善耳抑又論之祖考之嘉名美譽亦子孫之冕服牆宇也自古及今獲其庇者眾矣夫修善立名者亦猶築室樹果生則獲其利死則遺其澤世人汲汲者不達此意若其與魂爽俱升松栢偕茂惑矣哉

Name and reality are like form and shadow. When virtue and skill are broad and deep, the name will surely be good; when one's appearance is handsome, the shadow will surely be beautiful. Those who today do not cultivate themselves yet seek a fine name in the world are like a person with an ugly face demanding a beautiful reflection from the mirror. The superior scholar forgets fame, the middling scholar establishes fame, and the inferior scholar steals fame. One who forgets fame embodies the Way and accords with virtue, and enjoys the blessing of ghosts and spirits, not as a means of seeking fame; one who establishes fame cultivates himself and is careful in conduct, fearing that glory will not be displayed, not to yield fame to others; one who steals fame has a thick face and deep treachery and seeks hollow, showy praise, and that is not how fame is gained. A person's foot treads only a few inches, yet on a path a foot wide at the cliff's edge one is sure to stumble, and a bridge as wide as an armful is often the place where people sink into rivers and valleys; why? Because there is no room to spare at the side. The noble person's establishment of himself is the same. Words of utmost sincerity are not necessarily believed, and conduct of utmost purity may arouse suspicion, all because words, deeds and reputation have no room to spare. Whenever I am slandered, I often blame myself for this. If one could open a broad, upright road and widen a bridge built for boats, then Zhong You's word would be more trusted than a covenant sworn on an altar, and Zhao Xi's surrender of a city would be more worthy than a general who repels attackers. I have seen that in the world, just as a pure name has risen, gold and shells come in, and just as credit is spread, promises are broken, not knowing that the spear behind (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) the shield in front. Mi Zijian said: what is sincere here shows there. A person's emptiness or fullness, truth or falsehood lies in the heart, and there is none that does not show in deeds; it is just that one's observation is not careful. Once illuminated by observation, clever falseness is no match for clumsy sincerity, and the shame that follows is great. Bo Shi's yielding the ministership and Wang Mang's declining of office, at the time thought themselves clever and secret, but later people wrote them down and passed them on for ten thousand generations, enough to chill the bones and make the hair stand on end. Recently someone of high rank gained fame for filial piety and brotherly respect, and in mourning he wasted away more than the rites required, which was enough to set him above others, yet while in the mourning hut he once smeared his face with croton oil to make sores on his face to show excessive weeping. His attendants and servants could not cover it up, and even more, outsiders took his daily living and eating to be all unreliable. To lose a hundred sincerities through one falsehood is due to insatiable greed for fame. There was a gentleman who had read no more than two or three hundred scrolls, was dull in natural talent, but whose family was rich and long established and who was good at putting on airs; he used much wine, meat and curios to befriend famous scholars, and those who ate his bait passed his praises along to each other, and the court took him for a man of literary splendor and even sent him on a mission abroad. Han Jinming, Prince of Donglai, was deeply fond of literature and suspected that those works were mostly not from his own loom, so he set up (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) a pretext to test him in person, with merriment all day, writers filling the seats, matching tones and rhymes and taking up brushes to compose poems. That man hastily wrote one, utterly unlike his usual flavor, and the guests each hummed to themselves and no one noticed. Han withdrew and sighed: "It is just as I estimated." Han once asked: "Wang Ting, with the 'kuizhong' head on the shuttle, what shape did he make?" He answered: "The head of the ting is curved and round, with the form of a mallow leaf." Han, being learned, held back laughter and told me about it. To have (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) the writings of one's sons and younger brothers for the sake of reputation is too (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription). For two reasons: first, it cannot be kept up constantly and the true state will finally show; second, learners have something to lean on and become even less diligent. In Yexia there was a young man who went out to serve as magistrate of Xiangguo; he drove himself well, took public business to heart, and often treated people kindly (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) to seek a reputation. Whenever he dispatched soldiers or laborers, he shook hands in farewell, or sent pears, dates, cakes and sweets, gave each a parting gift, and said: "The order from above troubles you; my feelings cannot bear it; the road is hungry and thirsty." By this he sought to be remembered, and the people praised him without end. When he was promoted to assistant prefect of Sizhou, expenses grew daily and could not always be met, and once there was a false intention, everywhere it was hard to sustain, and his achievements were ruined. Someone asked: when the spirit is extinguished and the form dissolved, the reputation left is only like a cicada's shell, a snake's skin, or the tracks of beasts and birds; what does it have to do with the dead, and yet the sages use it to establish teaching? Answer: it is encouragement. Encourage one to establish a name and he will attain the reality. Moreover, encourage one Boyi, and ten million will establish a pure ethos; encourage one Ji Zha, and ten million will establish a benevolent ethos; encourage one Liuxia Hui, and ten million will establish a true ethos; encourage one Shi Yu, and ten million will establish an upright ethos. So the sages wanted these to be like fish scales and phoenix wings, mingled and varied, unbroken in the world; is that not so (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription)? All within the four seas admire fame, probably because this feeling is followed to lead toward goodness. Consider one more layer: the fine names and good reputations of ancestors are also the crown, robes and walls of their descendants. From antiquity to the present many have gained shelter (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) from them. One who cultivates goodness and establishes a name is like one who builds a house and plants trees: while alive he gains their benefit, and when dead he leaves their blessing. Those who in the world pursue it eagerly do not understand this meaning. If one thinks it can ascend to heaven with the spirit and flourish together with pines and cypresses, that is delusion.

夫君子之處世貴能有益於物耳不徒髙談虛論左琴右書以費人君祿位也國之用材大較不過六事一則朝廷之臣取其鑑達治體經綸慱雅二則文史之臣取其著述憲章不忘前古三則軍旅之臣取其斷決有謀強幹習事四則藩屏之臣取其明練風俗清白愛民五則使命之臣取其識變從宜不辱君命六則興造之臣取其程功節費開略有術此則皆勤學守行者所能辦也人性有長短豈責具美於六塗哉但當皆曉指趣能守一職便無媿耳吾見世中文學之士品藻古今若指諸掌及有試用多無所堪居承平之世不知有喪亂之禍處廟堂之下不知有戰陣之急保俸祿之資不知有耕稼之苦肆吏民之上不知有勞役之勤故難可以應世經務也晉朝南渡優借士族故江南冠帶有才幹者擢為令僕以下尚書郎中書舍人已上典掌機要其餘文義之士多迂誕浮華不涉世務纎微過失又惜行捶楚所以處於清名益獲其短也至於臺閣令史主書監帥諸王籖省並曉習吏用濟辦時須縱有小人之態皆可鞭杖肅督故多見委使葢用其長也人每不自量舉世怨梁武帝父子愛小人而防士大夫此亦眼不能見其睫耳梁世士大夫皆尚襃衣博帶大冠髙履出則車輿入則扶侍郊郭之內無乘馬者周正為宣城王所愛給一果下馬常服御之舉朝以為放達至乃尚書郎乘馬則糾劾之及侯景之亂膚脆骨柔不堪行步體羸氣弱不耐寒暑坐死倉猝者往往而然古人慾知稼穡之艱難斯葢貴谷務本之道也夫食為民天民非食不生矣三日不粒父子不能相存耕種之茠鉏之刈獲之載積之打拂之簸之凢幾涉手而入倉廩安可輕農事而貴末業哉江南朝士因晉中興南渡江卒為羈旅至今八九世未有力田悉資俸祿而食耳假令有者皆信僮僕為之未嘗目觀起一墢土耘一株苗不知幾月當下幾月當收安識世間餘務乎故治官則不了營家則不辦皆優閒之過也

A noble person in the world values being able to benefit things, and not merely engaging in lofty empty talk, with a zither on the left and books on the right, wasting the ruler's emoluments and rank. In employing talent, the state needs probably no more than six kinds: first, court ministers, chosen for discernment of how to govern and broad, refined statecraft; second, ministers of letters and history, chosen for composing statutes and not forgetting the ancients; third, ministers of the army, chosen for decisive planning and strong, practiced competence; fourth, ministers of the frontier, chosen for knowing customs well and for being incorruptible and loving the people; fifth, ministers on missions, chosen for knowing how to adapt to change and not disgracing the ruler's commission; sixth, ministers of construction, chosen for gauging work and saving expense and for resourceful planning. All of these are things that can be handled by those who study diligently and keep their conduct. Human natures have strengths and weaknesses, so how could one demand excellence in all six paths? But one should understand the gist of all of them, and if one can hold one post, one has no cause for shame. I have seen scholars of letters in the world appraise past and present as if pointing at their palms, but when tried in office most are incapable. Living in times of peace they do not know of the calamity of disorder; being under the court's roof they do not know the urgency of the battlefield; guarding their salaried livelihood they do not know the hardship of tilling; running wild over officials and people they do not know the toil of labor service, so they find it hard to deal with affairs of the age. When the Jin crossed south, it treated the gentry well, so among the capped and sashed of Jiangnan those with ability were promoted to posts from secretary below to ministry secretary and palace secretary above, handling the central affairs; the other scholars of letters were mostly impractical and showy, uninvolved in worldly affairs, and since one could not bear to flog them for minor faults, putting them in positions of pure fame only exposed their weaknesses. As for clerks of the terrace and pavilion, chief secretaries, supervisors and princely signers, all were practiced in the use of clerks and could handle what the time needed; even if they had the manner of petty people, they could be whipped and supervised sternly, so they were often entrusted, using their strengths. People often fail to measure themselves, and all in the world resent Emperor Wu of Liang and his sons for loving petty people and (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) the officials, which is also the eye being unable to see its own lashes. The officials of the Liang age all esteemed wide robes and broad sashes, tall hats and high shoes, riding in carriages when going out and being helped when coming in, and no one within the suburbs rode a horse. Zhou (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) was loved by the Prince of Xuancheng and given a small orchard horse, which he often rode, and the whole court took it as free and easy; and a secretary of the Ministry who rode a horse was impeached. When the rebellion of Hou Jing came, with tender skin and soft bones, unable to walk, weak in body and breath, unable to bear cold or heat, those who sat and died in the sudden turmoil were often thus. The ancients wanted to know the hardship of farming, which is probably the principle of valuing grain and attending to the root. Food is the heaven of the people, and without food people cannot live. If for three days there is no grain, father and son cannot keep one another alive. Sowing, weeding, reaping, loading and stacking, threshing and winnowing (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), passes through many hands before entering the granary; how can one take farming lightly and value trade? The court officials of Jiangnan, because the Jin moved south in its restoration, in the end became sojourners, and to this day, for eight or nine generations, have not worked the fields with their own strength, depending wholly on salary for food. Even if they have fields, they leave them to servants, having never with their own eyes dug a spadeful of earth or weeded a single seedling, not knowing in which month to sow and in which to reap; how could they understand the other affairs of the world? So if they hold office they cannot finish the work, and if they manage a household they cannot get it done, all through the fault of leisure.

銘金人云無多言多言多敗無多事多事多患至哉斯戒也能走者奪其翼善飛者減其指有角者無上齒豐後者無前足葢天道不使物有兼焉也古人云多為少善不如執一鼯鼠五能不成伎術近世有兩人朗悟士也性多營綜畧無成名經不足以待問史不足以討論文章無可傳於集録書跡未堪以留愛翫卜筮射六得三醫藥治十差五音樂在數十人下弓矢在千百人中天文畫繪棊博鮮卑語煎胡桃油鏈錫為銀如此之類畧得梗槩皆不通熟惜乎以彼神明若省其異端當精妙也上書陳事起自戰國逮於兩漢風流彌廣原其體度攻人主之長短諫諍之徒也訐群臣之得失訟訴之類也陳國家之利害對防之伍也帶私情之與奪遊說之儔也總此四塗賈誠以求位鬻言以干祿或無絲毫之益而有不省之困幸而感悟人主為時所納初獲不貲之賞終陷不測之誅則嚴助朱買臣吾丘壽王主父偃之類甚眾良史所書葢取其狂狷一介論政得失耳非士君子守法度者所為也今世所覩懷瑾瑜而握蘭桂者悉恥為之守門詣闕獻書言計率多空薄髙自矜誇無經畧之大體鹹糠粃之防事十條之中一不足採縱合時務已漏先覺非謂不知但患知而不行耳或被髮奸私面相酬證事途迥冗飜懼尤人主外護聲教脫加含養此乃僥倖之徒不足與比肩也諫諍之徒以正人君之失爾必在得言之地當盡匡賛之規不容茍免偷安垂頭塞耳至於就養有方思不出位幹非其任斯則罪人故表記雲事君逺而諫則諂也近而不諫則尸利也論語曰未信而諫人以為謗已也君子當守道崇徳蓄價待時爵祿不登信由天命須求趨競不顧羞慙比較材能斟量功伐厲色聲東怨西怒或有刼持宰相瑕疵而獲酬謝或有諠聒時人視聴求見發遣以此得官謂為才力何異盜食致飽竊衣取溫哉世見躁競得官者便為弗索何獲不知時運之來不然亦至也見靜退未遇者便為弗為胡成不知風雲不與徒求無益也凢不求而自得求而不得者焉可勝算乎齊之季世多以財貨託附外家諠動女謁拜守宰者

The inscription on the Golden Man says: do not speak much, for much speech brings much failure; do not do much, for much doing brings much trouble. This warning is excellent. What can run has its wings taken away, what flies well has its claws reduced, what has horns lacks upper teeth, and what is plump behind lacks front feet; probably the Way of Heaven does not allow things to have everything. The ancients said: those who do many things and do them well are few, so it is better to hold fast to one. The flying squirrel has five abilities, yet none amounts to a skill. In recent times there were two men, clever and perceptive, whose temperaments led them to manage and handle many things, and they almost made no name: in the classics they were not enough to answer questions, in history not enough to discuss, in literature they had nothing worth passing down into anthologies, their calligraphy was not worth keeping for pleasure, at divination they hit three of six, at medicine they cured five of ten, in music they ranked below dozens, in archery among hundreds, and in astronomy, painting, chess, the Xianbei language, pressing walnut oil and refining tin into silver, and the like, they grasped the outlines but were not proficient at any. A pity, for with their intelligence, if they had dropped the other pursuits, they would have been excellent. Presenting memorials to discuss affairs began in the Warring States, and by the Two Han the style was even broader. Tracing their form: those who attack the ruler's faults are of the remonstrating kind; those who reveal the gains and losses of ministers are of the litigating kind; those who set out the benefits and harms of the state are of the answering ranks (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription); those who give and take with private feelings are of the persuaders. Across these four paths, they sell sincerity to seek position, hawk words to seek salary, or without the slightest benefit face the embarrassment of not being noticed. If by luck they move the ruler and are adopted by the age, at first they receive rewards beyond reckoning, and in the end fall into unpredictable execution, as with Yan Zhu, Zhu Maichen, Wuqiu Shouwang, Zhufu Yan and many others. What the good historians wrote probably took only their wildness and single-mindedness in debating the gains and losses of government, which was not what scholars and noble persons who keep to the rules would do. Those who today carry jade and gems all feel shame about doing this. Guarding the gate and visiting the palace to submit books and offer plans are mostly empty and thin, with grand self-praise, lacking the great substance of statecraft, all chaff and husks (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), of which not one in ten is worth adopting. Even if it matches the needs of the time, it has already been missed by those who were first to perceive it, not that they did not know, but that they only suffer from knowing and not acting. Some have private wrongdoing exposed and are confronted in person, the path of affairs twists, and they are afraid instead. (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) blame. The ruler, to uphold his reputation and teaching outwardly, sometimes treats them with tolerance, but these are opportunists and not worth standing beside. Remonstrating ministers are meant to correct the ruler's faults, and must be in a place where they can speak, and must exhaust the rules of correction and assistance, and may not be allowed to evade through idle ease, with heads bowed and ears stopped. But as for those who serve and nourish in a proper way and whose thought does not exceed their post, to meddle in what is not their duty makes them offenders. So the Biaoji says: in serving a ruler, to remonstrate from afar is flattery, and to not remonstrate when near is occupying a post for gain. The Analects says: if one has not yet been trusted and remonstrates, the person will think he is slandering him. A noble person should keep the Way and honor virtue, accumulate a reputation and wait for the opportunity; if rank and salary are not attained, it is truly due to Heaven's decree. If one must hurry about and compete, with no regard for shame, comparing talents and weighing merits, with a stern look (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) voice, angry in the east and resentful in the west; or if some win thanks by holding over the chief minister's flaws, or by clamoring in the ears and eyes of the time to seek to be sent off, and gain office this way and call it ability, how is that different from stealing food to eat one's fill or stealing clothes to keep warm? People of the world, seeing those who gain office by restless striving, think that without asking how could one obtain it, not knowing that when the time comes one gets it without seeking; seeing those who retire quietly and meet no recognition, they think that without acting how could one succeed, not knowing that if wind and cloud do not come, seeking is futile. Of those who obtain without seeking and those who seek without obtaining, who could count them all? In the last years of Qi, many used wealth and goods to attach themselves to maternal relatives, and women making petitions to prefects and magistrates clamored

印組光華車騎輝赫榮兼九族取貴一時而為執政所患隨而伺察旣以得利必以利治微染風塵便乖肅正坑穽殊深瘡痏未復縱得免死莫不破家然後噬臍亦復何及吾自南及北未嘗一言與時人論身分也不能通達亦無尤焉王子晉雲佐饔得嘗佐鬭得傷此言為善則預為惡則去不欲黨人非義之事也凢損於物皆無與焉然而窮鳥入懷仁人所憫況死士歸我當棄之乎伍員之託漁舟季布之入廣柳孔融之藏張儉孫髙之匿趙岐前代之所貴而吾之所行也以此得辠甘心瞑目至如郭解之代人報讎灌夫之橫怒求地遊俠之徒非君子之所為也如有逆亂之行得辠於君親者又不足防焉親友之迫危難也家財巳力當無所吝若橫生圖計無理請謁非吾教也墨翟之徒世謂熱腹楊朱之侶世謂冷腸腸不可冷腹不可熱當以仁義為節文爾前在修文令曹有山東學士與闗中太史競厯凢十餘人紛紜累嵗內史牒付議官平之吾執論曰大抵諸儒所爭四分並減分兩家爾厯象之要可以晷景測之今驗其分至薄蝕則四分防而減分宻防者則稱政令有寛猛運行致盈縮非算之失也宻者則雲日月有遲速以術求之預知其度無災祥也用防則藏奸而不信用宻則任數而違經且議官所知不能精於訟者以淺裁深安有肯服既非格令所司幸勿當也舉曹貴賤鹹以為然有一禮官恥為此議苦欲留連強加考核機杼既薄無以測量還復採訪訟人窺望長短朝夕聚議寒暑煩勞背春涉冬竟無與奪怨誚滋生然而退終為內史所迫此好名好事之辱也

Seals and ribbons gleamed, carriages and horses shone, glory extended to the nine kinds of kin, and they took honor for a moment, yet they were feared by those in power and were soon watched and investigated. Having gained the benefit, one must be dealt with because of the benefit, and with a slight touch of the dust one deviates from solemn rectitude; the pits are deep and the sores have not healed, and even if one escapes death, none fail to ruin their families, and by then biting one's navel is of what use? I have been from south to north and never once spoke to the people of the time about my rank, and although I did not get ahead, I had no resentment. Wang Zijin said: one who helps in the kitchen gets to taste, one who helps in a fight gets hurt. This means to take part in doing good and leave when doing evil, not wishing to form cliques in unrighteous matters. Whatever harms others, do not take part in it. But a cornered bird that flies into one's lap is pitied by the benevolent, so how should one cast away a doomed man who returns to me? Wu Yuan entrusting himself to a fishing boat, Ji Bu hiding in a wide-willow cart, Kong Rong hiding Zhang Jian, and Sun Song hiding Zhao Qi were valued by earlier ages and are what I too practice. If I am punished for this, I am content to close my eyes. As for Guo Xie avenging for others and Guan Fu angrily seeking land, these are wandering knights, not what a noble person does. If one has committed rebellious acts and offended ruler or kin, one should not (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription). When relatives and friends are forced into danger, family wealth and one's own strength should be spared nothing; if schemes arise out of nowhere and unreasonable petitions are made, that is not what I teach. The followers of Mo Di are called hot-bellied in the world, and the companions of Yang Zhu are called cold-hearted. The heart should not be cold and the belly should not be hot, and one should take benevolence and righteousness as the measure. Formerly when I was in the Bureau of Cultural Compilation, scholars from Shandong and the court astrologers from Guanzhong disputed the calendar, more than ten of them, in confusion for several years, and the inner secretary issued a document handing it to the deliberating officials for evaluation. I held that in general what the Confucians dispute is no more than the two schools of the Four-Part calendar and the Reduced-Part calendar. The essentials of calendar images can be measured with the sun's shadow. Now testing the equinoxes, solstices and eclipses, the Four-Part (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) and the Reduced-Part is precise (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), while the loose one claims that governance has leniency and severity and movement leads to expansion and contraction, not an error of calculation; the precise one says the sun and moon have fast and slow motion, and using methods to infer it one knows their degrees in advance, with no calamities or omens. Using (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) hides treachery and is not believed; using the precise relies on numbers and goes against the classics. Moreover, what the deliberating officials know cannot be more refined than the disputants, so judging the deep with the shallow, who would accept it? Since it is not their official duty, I hoped they would not take it on. All in the bureau, high and low, thought so. A ritual official was ashamed of this opinion, and pressed to linger on it and force an examination; his own loom was thin and he had nothing to measure with, yet he again sought out the disputants and watched for strengths and weaknesses, gathering to discuss morning and evening, laboring through cold and heat, from spring to winter, and in the end there was no decision, resentment and mockery grew, (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription). Yet he withdrew, and in the end was pressed by the inner secretary. This is the disgrace of one who loves fame and meddling.

禮雲欲不可縱志不可滿宇宙可臻其極情性不知其窮唯在少欲知止為立涯限爾先祖靖侯戒子侄曰汝家書生門戸世無冨貴自今仕宦不可過二千石婚姻勿貪勢家吾終身服膺以為名言也天地鬼神之道皆惡滿盈謙虛沖損可以免害人生衣取以覆寒露食取以塞飢乏爾形骸之內尚不得奢靡巳身之外而欲窮驕泰耶周穆王秦始皇漢武帝冨有四海貴為天子不知紀極猶自敗累況士庶乎常以為二十口家奴婢盛多不可出二十人良田十頃堂室才蔽風雨車馬僅代杖策蓄財數萬以擬吉防急速不啻此者以義散之不至此者勿非道求之仕宦稱泰不過處在中品前望五十人後顧五十人足以免恥辱無傾危也髙此者便當罷謝偃仰私庭吾近為黃門郎已可收退當時羇旅懼罹謗讟思為此計僅未暇爾自喪亂已來見因托風雲徼倖冨貴旦執機權夜隕坑谷朔歡卓鄭晦泣顔原者非十人五人也慎之哉慎之哉

The Book of Rites says: desire must not be indulged, and will must not be filled. The universe can reach its limit, but human feelings and nature do not know exhaustion; only by having few desires and knowing where to stop can one set oneself a boundary. Our ancestor Marquis Jing warned his sons and nephews: "Your family is a house of scholars, with no wealth or rank through the generations; from now on, in office do not exceed two thousand bushels, and in marriage do not covet powerful families." I have held this in my heart all my life, taking it as a famous saying. The way of Heaven, Earth, ghosts and spirits all dislike fullness, and modesty and humility can avoid harm. In life, clothing serves only to cover against cold and dew, and food only to fill hunger and lack. Even within the body one cannot be extravagant, so would one still want to exhaust arrogance and ease beyond one's person? King Mu of Zhou, the First Emperor of Qin and Emperor Wu of Han, rich in the four seas and exalted as Sons of Heaven, did not know limits and still brought ruin upon themselves; how much more scholars and commoners? I have often thought that for a household of twenty mouths, servants should not exceed twenty at most, good fields ten qing, halls and rooms just enough to shelter from wind and rain, carriages and horses merely taking the place of a walking stick, and savings of tens of thousands to prepare for auspicious (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) and urgent matters. What exceeds this should be given away as righteousness requires; what falls short of this should not be sought by wrongful means. An official career can be called safe if it is in the middle grade: looking ahead there are fifty people, looking back there are fifty, enough to avoid disgrace and not be endangered. Anything higher should be resigned from, and one should rest and lie at ease in one's private court. Recently when I was Gentleman of the Yellow Gate, I could already have retired, but being a sojourner at the time and fearing to invite criticism, I wanted to do so and simply had no leisure. Since the troubles began, I have seen more than ten or five who took advantage of wind and cloud to get lucky with wealth and rank, who in the morning held the reins of power and at night fell into pits and valleys, who on the first of the month rejoiced like the Zhuo and Cheng families and on the last of the month wept like Yan Yuan and Yuan Xian. Be careful, be careful!

顔氏之先本乎鄒魯或分入齊世以儒雅為業徧在書記仲尼門徒升堂者七十有二顔氏居八人焉秦漢魏晉下逮齊梁未有用兵以取達者春秋之世顔髙顔鳴顔羽之徒皆一鬭夫爾齊有顔涿聚趙有顔防【或作聚】漢末有顔良宋有顔延之並處將軍之任竟以顛覆漢郎顔泗自稱好武更無事蹟顔忠以黨楚王受誅顔俊以據威見殺得姓已來無清操者唯此二人皆罹禍敗頃世亂離衣冠之士雖無身手或聚徒眾違棄素業徼倖戰功吾既羸薄仰惟前代故寘心於此子孫志之孔子力翹門闗不以力聞此聖證也吾見今世士大夫才有氣幹便倚頼之不能被甲執兵以衛社稷但微行險服逞弄拳腕大則陷危亡小則貽恥辱遂無免者國之興亡兵之勝敗博學所至幸討論之入帷幄之中參廟堂之上不能為主畫規以謀社稷君子所恥也然而每見文士頗讀兵書微有經畧若承平之世睥睨宮閫幸災樂禍首為逆亂詿誤善良如在兵革之時構扇反覆縱橫說誘不識存亡強相扶戴此皆陷身滅族之本也誡之哉誡之哉習五兵便乘騎上可稱武夫爾今世士大夫但不讀書即稱武夫兒乃飯囊酒甕也

The ancestors of the Yan family originated in Zou and Lu, and some branched into Qi, and for generations took Confucian refinement as their calling, as is seen throughout the records. Of the seventy-two disciples of Confucius who ascended the hall, eight were of the Yan family. From Qin, Han, Wei and Jin down to Qi and Liang, none used arms to attain prominence. In the Spring and Autumn age Yan Gao, Yan Ming, Yan Yu and the like were all no more than single fighters. In Qi there was Yan Zhuoju, in Zhao there was Yan (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) [some write "Ju"], at the end of Han there was Yan Liang, and in Song there was Yan Yanzhi, all holding the post of general, and all were overturned because of it. The Han gentleman Yan Si called himself fond of martial affairs, yet had no deeds; Yan Zhong was executed for siding with the Prince of Chu; Yan Jun was killed for occupying (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) power. Since the surname was obtained, these were the only two with no pure conduct, and both met with disaster and defeat. In recent times of disorder, scholars and officials, though without skill at arms, sometimes gathered followers, abandoned their ordinary callings, and sought luck in military merit. I am frail and thin, and looking back to earlier generations, I have set my mind on this, which my descendants should remember. Confucius's strength could lift a door bar, yet he was not known for strength, which is proof of the sage. I have seen that scholars today, as soon as they have a bit of strength, lean upon it, unable to put on armor and take up weapons to defend the altars of the state, only going about in disguise in dangerous clothes and showing off their fists and wrists, and in the great case fall into peril and ruin, and in the small leave disgrace, and in the end none escape. The rise and fall of states and the victory and defeat of armies are what the learned should reach, and I hope they will discuss them. To enter the tent of command and take part in the court, yet be unable to plan for the ruler to ensure the state, is what the noble person is ashamed of. But I have often seen men of letters who have read a little military writing and have some strategic sense; if it is in an age of peace, they glare at the palace and gloat over misfortune, lead rebellion and mislead the good; if in times of war, they stir up reversals and make speeches and lures, not knowing survival or ruin, forcibly setting up someone to support. All these are the root of bringing ruin and clan extermination on oneself. Beware, beware! One who is practiced in the five weapons and adept at riding can be called a warrior. Scholars today who merely do not read books are called warrior's sons, but they are rice sacks and wine jars.

神仙之事未可全誣但性命在天或難種植人生居世觸途牽縶防少之日既有供養之勤成立之年便増妻孥之累衣食資須公私勞役而望遁跡山林超然塵滓千萬不過一爾加以金玉之費鑪器所須益非貧士所辦學如牛毛成如麟角華山之下白骨如莾何有可遂之理考之內教縱使得仙終當有死不能出世不願汝曹専精於此若其愛養神明調防氣息慎節起臥均適寒暄禁忌食飲將餌藥物遂其所稟不為夭折者吾無間然諸藥餌法不廢世務也庾肩吾常服槐實年七十餘目看細字鬚髮猶墨鄴中朝士有單服杏仁枸杞黃精木車前得益者甚多不能一一說爾吾嘗患齒揺動欲落飲食熱冷皆苦疼痛見抱朴子牢齒之法早朝叩齒三百下為良行之數日即平愈今恆持之此輩小術無損於事亦可修也凢欲餌藥陶隠居太清方中總録甚備但須精審不可輕服近有王愛州在鄴學服松脂不得節度腸塞而死為藥所誤者甚多夫養生先須慮禍全身保性有此生然後養之勿徒養其無生也單豹飬於內而喪外張毅飬於外而喪內前賢所戒也嵇康著飬生之論而以傲物受刑石崇冀服餌之徵而以貪溺取禍往世之所述也夫生不可不惜不可茍惜涉險畏之途幹禍難之事貪慾以傷生讒慝而致死此君子之所惜哉行誠孝而見賊履仁義而得罪喪身以全家泯軀而濟國君子不咎也自亂離已來吾見名臣賢士臨難求生終為不救徒取窘辱令人憤懣矦景之亂王公將相多被戮辱妃主姬妾畧無全者唯吳郡太守張嵊建義不捷為賊所害辭色不撓及鄱陽王世子謝夫人登屋詬怒見射而斃夫人謝遵女也何賢知操行若此之難婢妾引決若此之易悲夫

The matter of immortals cannot be wholly dismissed as false, but life and death are in Heaven's hands, and perhaps it is hard to plant. Living in the world, one is bound at every turn: in youth (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) there is already the toil of supporting one's elders, and in the years of establishing oneself the burden of wife and children is added, with the needs for clothing and food and the labor of public and private service, and to hope to hide away in the mountains and forests and rise above the dust is something only one in ten million li can do. Add to this the expense of gold and jade and the equipment of furnaces, which is certainly beyond what a poor scholar can manage. Those who study are like ox hairs and those who succeed are like unicorn horns, and below Mount Hua white bones lie like grass; what reason is there to expect it? Examining the inner teachings, even if one becomes an immortal one must finally die and cannot leave the world, so I do not want you to devote yourselves to it. If one cherishes the spirit, regulates the breath (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), is careful in rising and lying down, adjusts to cold and warmth, observes food taboos, and takes medicines, fulfilling one's own allotment so as not to die young, I have nothing more to say. The various methods of medicines and supplements do not hinder worldly affairs. Yu Jianwu often took locust seeds, and at over seventy could still see fine writing and his hair and beard were still black. Among the court officials of Ye, many benefited by taking apricot kernel, goji, Solomon's seal, atractylodes or plantain alone, too many to list. I once suffered from loose teeth that were about to fall, with pain from hot and cold food and drink; I saw the method of firming teeth in the Baopuzi: tapping the teeth three hundred times in the early morning is good. After a few days of doing it I was healed, and I keep it up constantly. Such small arts do no harm and can be practiced too. Whenever one is to take medicine, the Taiqing Formulas of Tao Yinju gives a complete record, but one must be precise and careful and must not take it lightly. Recently Wang Aizhou in Ye learned to take pine resin without moderation, and died of an intestinal blockage. Many have been misled by medicine. In nourishing life one must first consider disaster, and preserve the body and keep one's nature; having this life, only then nourish it, and do not futilely nourish what has no life. Shan Bao nourished within and perished without, Zhang Yi nourished without and perished within; these are warnings from earlier worthies. Ji Kang wrote a treatise on nourishing life yet was punished for his arrogance toward others, and Shi Chong hoped for results from taking elixirs yet drew disaster for his greed and indulgence, as earlier ages have recounted. One should not fail to cherish life, nor cling to it carelessly. To walk dangerous roads and to meddle in perilous affairs, harming life through greed or dying through slander, is what the noble person regrets. To act with sincerity and filial piety and be murdered, to practice benevolence and righteousness and be punished, to lose one's life to save the family or to give up one's body to save the state, the noble person does not blame. Since the troubles began, I have seen famous ministers and worthy scholars, facing disaster, seek to live, and in the end not be saved, gaining only distress and shame, which is infuriating. In the rebellion of Hou Jing, princes, dukes, generals and ministers were mostly killed or humiliated, and the consorts, princesses and concubines were hardly any preserved; only Zhang Sheng, governor of Wu commandery, rose in righteousness without success and was killed by the rebels, unyielding in word and expression; and Lady Xie, wife of the heir of the Prince of Poyang, climbed onto the roof and cursed them and was shot dead. Lady Xie was the daughter of Xie Zun. Why is it so hard for the worthy and wise to keep such conduct, and so easy for maids and concubines to choose death? How sad!

三世之事信而有徵家業歸心勿輕慢也其間妙音具諸經論不復於此少能贊述但懼汝曹猶未牢固略重勸誘爾原夫四塵五廕剖析形有六舟三駕運載群生萬行歸空千門入善辯才智惠豈徒七經百氏之博哉明非堯舜周孔所及也內外兩教本為一體漸極為異深淺不同內典初門設五種禁外典仁義禮智信皆與之符仁者不殺之禁也義者不盜之禁也禮者不邪之禁也智者不淫之禁也信者不妄之禁也至如畋狩軍旅燕享刑罰固民之性不可卒除就為之節使不淫濫爾歸周孔而背釋宗何其迷也俗之謗者大抵有五其一以世界外事及神化無方為迃誕也其二以吉防禍福或未報應為欺誑也其三以僧尼行業多不精純為奸慝也其四以靡費金寳減耗課役為損國也其五以縱有因縁如報善惡安能辛苦今日之甲利後世之乙乎為異人也今並釋之於下雲釋一曰夫遙大之物寧可度量今人所知莫若天地天為積氣地為積塊日為陽精月為隂精星為萬物之精儒家所安也星有墜落乃為石矣精若是石不得有光性又質重何所繫屬一星之徑大者百里一宿首尾相去數萬百里之物數萬相連闊狹從斜常不盈縮又星與日月形色同爾但以大小為其等差然而日月又當石也石既牢宻烏兔焉容石在氣中豈能獨運日月星辰若皆是氣氣體輕浮當與天合往來環轉不得錯違其間遲疾理宜一等何故日月五星二十八宿各有度數移動不均寧當氣墜忽變為石地既滓濁法應沈厚鑿土得泉乃浮水上積水之下復何有物江河百穀從何處生東流到海何為不溢歸塘尾閭渫何所到沃焦之石何氣所然潮汐去還誰所節度天漢懸指郍不散落水性就下何故上騰天地初開便有星宿九州未劃列國未分翦疆區野若為躔次封建已來誰所制割國有增減星無進退災祥禍福就中不差乾象之大列星之夥何為分野止系中國昴為旄頭匈奴之次西羌東越雕題交阯獨棄之乎以此而求迄無了者豈得以人事尋常抑必宇宙外也凡人之信唯耳與目耳目之外鹹致疑焉儒家說天自有數義或渾或葢乍宣乍安斗極所周管維所屬若所親見不容不同若所測量寧足依據何故信凡人之臆說迷大聖之玅防而欲必無恆沙世界微塵數刼也而鄒衍亦有九州之談山中人不信有魚大如木海上人不信有木大如魚漢不信膠魏文不信火布北人見錦不信有蟲食樹吐絲所成昔在江南不信有千人氊帳及來河北不信有二萬斛船皆實驗也世有祝師及諸幻術猶能履火蹈刃種瓜移井倐忽之間十變五化人力所為尚能如此何況神通感應不可思量千里寳幢百由旬座化成淨土踴出玅塔乎釋二曰夫信謗之徵有如影響耳聞眼見其事已多或乃精誠不深業縁未感時儻差闌終當獲報耳善惡之行禍福所歸九流百氏皆同此論豈獨釋典為虛妄乎項槖顔囘之短折原憲伯夷之凍餒盜跖莊蹻之福壽齊景桓魋之冨強若引之先業冀以後生更為通耳如以行善而偶鍾禍報為惡而儻值福徵便可怨尤即為欺詭則亦堯舜之雲虛周孔之不實也又欲安所依信而立身乎釋三曰開闢已來不善人多而善人少何由悉責其

The matters of the three lives are credible and have proof; commit your household's work to them and do not treat them lightly. Their wondrous purport is all in the sutras and treatises, and I will not elaborate here, but I fear you are not yet firm and will encourage you a little more. Tracing the four dusts and five aggregates, analyzing the existence of form, the six boats and three carriages carry living beings, the myriad practices return to emptiness, the thousand gates enter goodness, and the eloquence and wisdom are not merely as broad as the seven classics and hundred schools. Clearly they are beyond what Yao, Shun, the Duke of Zhou and Confucius could reach. The inner and outer teachings are originally one body, but the gradual teaching and the ultimate teaching differ, in depth and in kind. At the first gate of the inner canon five prohibitions are set up, and the outer canon's benevolence, righteousness, ritual, wisdom and trust all correspond to them: benevolence is the prohibition against killing, righteousness is the prohibition against stealing, ritual is the prohibition against wrongdoing, wisdom is the prohibition against licentiousness, and trust is the prohibition against falsehood. As for hunting, military affairs, banquets and punishments, which stem from people's nature and cannot be removed all at once, regulations are set up for them only so that they do not become excessive. To turn to the Duke of Zhou and Confucius while abandoning the Buddhist school is so deluded. The criticisms of common people come mostly to five: first, they think the matters beyond the world and the boundlessness of spiritual transformation are fantastic; second, they think the retribution of fortune and misfortune (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), which does not always come, is deceit; third, they think the conduct of monks and nuns is mostly impure and treacherous; fourth, they think the lavish spending on gold and treasures and the reduction of taxes and labor harms the state; fifth, they think that even if there are causes and conditions with retribution for good and evil, how can today's A toil to benefit a later B, which treats a person as if he were another person. I now explain all of them below. To explain the first: how can what is distant and vast be measured? What people know today is nothing greater than Heaven and Earth: Heaven is accumulated qi, Earth is accumulated lumps, the sun is the essence of yang, the moon is the essence of yin, and the stars are the essence of the myriad things, which is what the Confucians are comfortable with. When stars fall they become stones. If the essence is stone, it should not have light; and since the substance is heavy, what holds it up? A star can be a hundred li in diameter, and from head to tail a constellation spans tens of thousands; things a hundred li wide strung together over tens of thousands, and their breadth, narrowness, tilt and straightness are always neither more nor less. Moreover the stars have the same form and color as the sun and moon, and are graded only by size, so the sun and moon should be stones too. If stone is solid and dense, how can the crow and the hare find room in it? How could a stone move alone through qi? If sun, moon and stars are all qi, a body of qi is light and floating and should join the sky, and their comings and goings and circling should not err, with the pace between them equal; why do the sun, moon, five planets and twenty-eight lodges each have their own degrees and move unevenly? Could qi fall and suddenly become stone? Since the earth is dregs and turbid, by reason it should sink thick and heavy; when one digs the soil one gets spring water, which means it floats on water; and what is below the accumulated water? From where are the rivers and the hundred valleys born? Flowing east to the sea, why does it not overflow? Where does the drainage of the great sink go? By what qi is the Wo Jiao stone burned? Who regulates the ebb and flow of the tides? The Milky Way hangs up; why does it not scatter? Water's nature is to go down; why does it rise? When Heaven and Earth first opened, the stars and lodges already existed; before the nine regions were drawn and before the states were divided, how were the boundaries and stages fixed? Since feudal times who divided them? States increased and decreased, while the stars neither advanced nor retreated, and within them omens and disasters were not wrong. So vast is the sky's image and so many are the stars; why are the field divisions tied only to China? The Pleiades is the stage of the Xiongnu; are the Western Qiang, the Eastern Yue, the tattooed foreheads and the Jiaozhi alone abandoned? If one follows this to seek, there is no end to this day; how can one use the ordinary measure of human affairs to limit what lies beyond the universe? The only things ordinary people trust are their ears and eyes, and beyond the ears and eyes they all doubt. The Confucians say Heaven has several accounts, either the spherical heaven or the canopy heaven, now the open night theory, now the settled heaven; where the pole star circles and where the guiding cords attach, if they were personally seen there could be no disagreement, and if they were measured, how would that be enough to rely on? Why believe the guesses of ordinary people and be confused about the wonders of the great sage, yet insist there are definitely no worlds like the sands of the Ganges and kalpas like particles of dust? Yet Zou Yan too spoke of the nine regions. Mountain people do not believe there are fish as big as trees, and sea people do not believe there are trees as big as fish. The Han (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) did not believe (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) glue, Emperor Wen of Wei did not believe in asbestos cloth, and northerners seeing brocade did not believe it was made from silk spit by insects eating trees. Formerly in Jiangnan I did not believe there were felt tents for a thousand people, and when I came to Hebei I did not believe there were boats of twenty thousand hu; these were all verified. In the world there are incantation masters and various illusion arts, who can walk on fire and tread on blades, plant melons and move wells, changing ten times and transforming five times in an instant; if human power can do this, how much more so spiritual powers and responses beyond reckoning, thousand-li precious banners, hundred-yojana seats, transforming into pure lands, and sudden emergence of wondrous stupas? To explain the second: the verification of belief and slander is like shadow and echo, and much has been heard and seen. Perhaps sincerity is not deep or karmic conditions have not yet been stirred, so at times it goes awry, but in the end one will receive retribution. Good and bad conduct is where fortune and misfortune return, and the nine schools and hundred masters all share this theory; why would only the Buddhist canon be false? The early deaths of Xiang Tuo and Yan Hui, the cold and hunger of Yuan Xian and Boyi, the good fortune and long life of Robber Zhi and Zhuang Qiao, the wealth and power of Duke Jing of Qi and Huan Tui, if one traces them to past deeds and looks to future lives, make even more sense. If, because one did good and happened to meet misfortune or did evil and happened to meet good omens, one can complain and think it a deceit, then Yao and Shun are empty and the Duke of Zhou and Confucius are not real; then what is there to rely on in establishing oneself? To explain the third: since heaven and earth opened, unkind people have been many and good people few; how can one demand that all be

精潔乎見有名僧髙行棄而不說若覩凡僧流俗便生非毀且學者之不勤豈教者之為過俗僧之學經律何異士人之學詩禮以詩禮之教格朝廷之人略無全行者以經律之禁格出家之輩而獨責無犯哉且闕行之臣猶求祿位毀禁之侶何慙供養乎其於戒行自當有犯一披法服已墮僧數嵗中所計齋講誦持比諸白衣猶不啻山海也釋四曰內教多途出家自是其一法耳若能誠孝在心仁惠為本須達流水不必剃落鬚髮豈今罄井田而起塔廟窮編戸以為僧尼也皆由為政不能節之遂使非法之寺妨民稼穡無業之僧空國賦算非大覺之本防也抑又論之求道者身計也惜費者國謀也身計國謀不可兩遂誠臣狥主而棄親孝子安家而忘國各有行也儒有不屈王侯髙尚其事隠有讓王辭相避世山林安可計其賦役以為罪人若能偕化黔首悉入道塲如妙樂之世穰佉之國則有自然稻米無盡寳藏安求田蠶之利乎釋五曰形體雖死精神猶存人生在世望於後身佀不相屬及其歿後則與前身侶猶老少朝夕耳世有魂神示現夣想或降童妾或感妻孥求索飲食徵湏福祐亦為不少矣今人貧賤疾苦莫不怨尤前世不修功業以此而論安可不為之作地乎夫有子孫自是天地間一蒼生耳何預身事而乃愛護遺其基址況於己之神爽頓欲棄之哉凢夫蔽不見未來故言彼生與今非一體耳若有天眼鑑其念念隨滅生生不斷豈可不怖畏耶又君子處世貴能克已復禮濟時益物治家者欲一家之慶治國者欲一國之良僕妾臣民與身竟何親也而為勤苦修德乎亦是堯舜周孔虛失愉樂耳一人修道濟度幾許蒼生免脫幾身罪累幸熟思之汝曹若觀俗計樹立門戸不棄妻子未能出家但當兼修戒行留心誦讀以為來世津梁人身難得勿虛過也儒家君子尚離庖廚見其生不忍其死聞其聲不食其肉髙柴折像未知內教皆能不殺此乃仁者自然用心含生之徒莫不愛命去殺之事必勉行之好殺之人臨死報驗子孫殃禍其數甚多不能悉録耳且示數條於末梁世有人常以雞卵白和沐雲使發光每沐輒破二三十枚臨死發中但聞啾啾數千雞雛聲江陵劉氏以賣鱓為業後生一兒頭是鱓自頸以下方為人耳王克為永嘉郡守有人餉羊集賓欲防而羊繩解來投一客先跪兩拜便入衣中此客竟不言之固無救請須臾宰羊為炙先行至客一臠入口便下皮內周行遍體痛楚號呌方復說之遂作羊鳴而死梁孝元在江州時有人為望蔡縣令經劉敬躬亂縣廨被焚寄寺而住民將牛酒作禮縣令以牛系剎柱屏除形像鋪設床坐於堂上接賓未殺之頃牛解徑來至階而拜縣令大笑命左右宰之飲噉醉飽便臥簷下稍醒而覺體癢爬搔隠疹因爾成癩十許年死楊思達為西陽郡守值侯景亂時復旱儉饑民盜田中麥思達遣一部曲守視所得盜者輒截手腕凢戮十餘人部曲後生一男自然無手齊有一奉朝請家甚豪侈非手殺牛噉之不美年三十許病篤大見牛來舉體如被刀刺呌呼而終江陵髙偉隨吾入齊凢數年何幽州澱中捕魚後病每見群魚齧之而死世有痴人不識仁義不知富貴並由天命為子娶婦恨其生資不足倚作舅姑之尊虵虺其性毒口加誣不識忌諱罵辱婦之父母卻雲教以婦道不孝己身不顧他恨怛憐己之子女不愛己之兒婦如此之人隂紀其過鬼奪其算慎不可與為鄰仍不可與為援宜逺之哉

pure? Seeing a famous monk of lofty conduct they set him aside and say nothing, but seeing an ordinary monk of vulgar habits they begin to condemn. Moreover, if learners are not diligent, is that the fault of the teacher? How is it different for a common monk to study the sutras and vinaya from a scholar studying the Songs and Rites? If one uses the teaching of the Songs and Rites to measure the people of the court, almost none can fully carry it out; shall one use the prohibitions of the sutras and vinaya to measure those who have left home and blame them alone for having no violations? Moreover, a minister lacking in conduct still seeks salary and rank, so why would a monk who breaks the prohibitions be ashamed to receive offerings? They will naturally have violations of precepts, but once they put on the Dharma robe they are counted among the sangha, and what they do in a year of fasting, lecturing, reciting and upholding is more than a mountain or sea compared with laypeople. To explain the fourth: the inner teaching has many paths, and leaving home is just one method among them. If one has sincerity and filial piety at heart and takes benevolence and kindness as the root, people like Sudatta and Liushui need not shave their hair and beard. How could it be that one must now use up the well-field system to build stupas and temples and exhaust the registered households to make monks and nuns? It is all because government cannot control things that illegal temples hinder the people's farming and landless monks empty the state's taxes, not the root of great awakening (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription). Consider one more layer: seeking the Way is a plan for oneself, and sparing expenses is a plan for the state; plans for oneself and the state cannot both be fulfilled. The loyal minister dies for his lord and abandons his kin, the filial son keeps his family secure and forgets the state, each with his own conduct. Among Confucians there are those who do not bend to kings and marquises and hold their affairs lofty, and among hermits there are those who yield the throne and decline the chancellorship and flee the world to mountain forests; how can one count their taxes and labor service as offenses? If one could transform the black-haired people together and have all enter the place of the Way, as in the age of Wonderful Joy or the land of Sankha, there would be natural rice and inexhaustible treasure, so would one still seek the profit of fields and silkworms? To explain the fifth: though the body dies, the spirit still remains. A person living in this world hopes for a later body, which seems unrelated; but after death it is to the former body as old to young or morning to evening. In the world there are souls that appear in dreams, some descending on children and concubines, some touching wives and children, asking for food and drink and seeking blessings, and there are many such cases. Today people in poverty and suffering all blame their lack of merit in previous lives, and by this argument, how could one not make provision for a later body? Having descendants is only one living being between Heaven and Earth, with what relation to oneself, yet one cares for them and leaves them a foundation; how much more one's own spirit, should one suddenly discard it? Ordinary people (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription) are blinded and do not see the future, so they say that that life and this one are not one body. If one had the heavenly eye to see how every thought perishes and life after life does not stop, how could one not be afraid? Moreover, what the noble person values in the world is being able to subdue oneself and return to ritual, and to help the age and benefit things. One who governs a household thinks of the well-being of one household, and one who governs a state thinks of the goodness of one state. What is the closeness of servants, concubines, ministers and people to oneself, that one toils and cultivates virtue for them? Then Yao, Shun, the Duke of Zhou and Confucius would have lost their joy in vain. One person who cultivates the Way saves how many beings and frees how many bodies from the burden of offenses; I hope you will think carefully. If you are mindful of worldly plans, establishing a household, not abandoning wife and children, and cannot leave home, you should at least cultivate precepts and conduct and take care to recite, as a ferry for the next life. A human body is hard to obtain; do not spend it in vain. Even Confucian noble persons stay away from the kitchen, not bearing to see animals die after seeing them live, and not eating their meat after hearing their cries. Gao Chai and Zhe Xiang, not knowing the inner teaching, were both able not to kill, which is simply what the benevolent naturally keep in mind. Beings that have life all love their lives, and the matter of ending killing must be practiced with effort. There are very many cases of those who love to kill, whose retribution came at their deaths and whose descendants suffered calamity, too many to record in full, so I list a few at the end. In the Liang era there was a man who often mixed egg white into his hair wash, saying it would make the hair shine, breaking twenty or thirty eggs each wash. At his death, in his hair there was only the sound of thousands of chicks cheeping. In Jiangling a man named Liu made a living selling eels (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), and later bore a son whose head was an eel's, and only below the neck was he human. When Wang Ke was governor of Yongjia commandery, someone presented him a sheep, and when he gathered guests to (a rare character in the base text, lost in transcription), the sheep's rope came loose and it came to one guest, knelt twice first and then burrowed into his clothes. This guest said nothing at all and certainly did not plead for it. A moment later the sheep was slaughtered and roasted, and the first piece was sent before this guest; as soon as a piece entered his mouth it went down under his skin and traveled around his whole body, and he cried out in pain, and only then told the story, and then bleated like a sheep and died. When Emperor Xiaoyuan of Liang was at Jiangzhou, one man became magistrate of Wangcai county, and through the rebellion of Liu Jinggong the county office was burned, and he lodged in a temple. The people brought an ox and wine as a gift, and the magistrate tied the ox to the post of the temple and, removing the statues, set up a bed and seat in the hall to receive guests. Before the ox was killed it came loose and went straight down to the steps and bowed. The magistrate laughed loudly and ordered his attendants to slaughter it, and having feasted and become drunk and full, he lay down under the eaves, and when he woke a little, he felt itching and scratched his hives, and from this he became leprous and died after ten years or so. Yang Sida was governor of Xiyang commandery just at the time of Hou Jing's rebellion, and it was also a drought and famine, and hungry people stole the wheat in the fields. Sida sent a retainer to guard the fields, and when thieves were caught he cut off their wrists, killing more than ten in all. This retainer later had a son who naturally had no hands. In Qi there was a court attendant whose family was very extravagant, who did not find beef good unless he killed the ox with his own hands. At about thirty he fell gravely ill and saw many oxen coming at him, his whole body as if stabbed with knives, and he died crying out. Gao Wei of Jiangling followed me into Qi, and for several years caught fish in the marshes of Youzhou, and later fell ill and always saw schools of fish come to bite him, and died of it. In the world there are fools who do not understand benevolence and righteousness and do not know that wealth and rank all come from Heaven's decree; they marry a wife for their son and resent that her dowry is not enough, and relying on the dignity of father- and mother-in-law, with a viperous nature and poisonous mouth they slander, not knowing taboos, curse and insult the wife's parents, yet say they are teaching her the way of a wife; they are unfilial themselves, heedless of others' resentment, and care only for their own daughters and not for their own son's wife. Such people have their faults recorded in the underworld and ghosts take their lives; one must never be their neighbor, nor rely on them for support, but should stay far away.

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The Book of Songs says "uneven water mallow" (canci xingcai). The Erya says xing (荇) is jieyu (菨余), and the character is sometimes written xing (莕). Earlier Confucians all explain it as a water plant with round leaves and a thin stem, which follows the depth of the water; it is found today wherever there is water, with a yellow flower like that of the water shield (chun), and in Jiangnan the common people also call it "pig water shield" or call it xingcai. Liu Fang annotated it fully, but the common people of Hebei mostly do not recognize it, and the doctors all take "canci" to be amaranth (xian), calling "human amaranth" "human xing," which is quite laughable. The Book of Songs says "who says the tu is bitter" (shui wei tu ku); the Erya and the Mao Commentary both take tu (荼) as the bitter vegetable (kucai). The Record of Rites also says "the bitter vegetable flowers." According to the Yi Wei Tong Gua Yan, (a rare character lost in transcription) diagram says: the bitter vegetable is born in the cold autumn, passes through winter and spring, and only reaches maturity in summer. The bitter vegetable of the Central Plains today is just like this, also called "winter roamer" (youdong), its leaves like those of bitter lettuce but finer, with white sap when snapped, and a yellow flower like a chrysanthemum. In Jiangnan there is another bitter vegetable, with leaves like those of the Chinese lantern plant (suanjiang), flowers purple or white, and seeds as big as pearls, red or black when ripe; this vegetable can relieve fatigue. According to Guo Pu's annotation on the Erya, this is (a rare character lost in transcription) huangchu (黄蒢), which in Hebei is now called black nightshade (longkui). The ritualists of the Liang dynasty took this as the bitter vegetable, but it has no perennial root and its seeds only grow in spring, which is also a great error. Moreover, Gao You in his annotation of the Annals of Lü Buwei says that what flowers but does not bear fruit is called ying, so the bitter vegetable should be said to "ying," and one knows still more that it is not black nightshade. The Book of Songs says "the solitary tree, the du pear" (you di zhi du); the Jiangnan editions all write di with the wood radical beside da (大), and the Commentary says di is the appearance of being solitary, Xu Xianmin gives its sound as tu-ji fan, and the Shuowen says di is the appearance of a tree, placing it under the wood radical, and the Yunji gives its sound as di (第) as in cidi; but the Hebei editions all write it as di (狄) of yidi, and read it as that character itself, which is a great error. The Book of Songs says "the stallion (mu) horses, plump and strong" (jiong jiong mu ma); Jiangnan books all write mu (牡) of pinmu, while the Hebei editions all write mu (牧) of fangmu. The doctors at Yexia objected: the Jiong ode praises Duke Xi's grazing in the outlying fields, so why limit it to the distinction between mares and stallions? I answered: according to the Mao Commentary, jiong jiong refers to good horses with plump, broad bellies and trunks; below it also says the lords' six stables hold four kinds, namely good horses, war horses, hunting horses and inferior horses. If it meant grazing, common to mares and stallions, it should not be restricted to good horses alone receiving the name jiong jiong. Good horses are those the Son of Heaven uses to draw the jade carriage and the lords use to fill court visits and suburban sacrifices, and there must be no mares among them. The office of the Yuren in the Rites of Zhou says: one man for each good horse, and one man for each pair of inferior horses, and what the Yuren raise are likewise not mares. The ode's author singled out its strong and swift ones, which fits the meaning. The Book of Changes says "good horses chase" and the Zuo Commentary says "with two of his good horses," which are also names for fine, swift horses and not general terms. To take the good horses of the ode's commentary as common to grazing mares, I fear, loses Duke Mao's meaning, and moreover have you not seen Liu Fang's proof of the meaning? The Monthly Ordinances say "the liting comes forth" (liting chu), and Zheng (a rare character lost in transcription) annotates that liting is horse leek (ma xie). The Shuowen says li is like cattail but smaller, and its roots can be made into brushes; the Guangya says ma xie is li; the Tongsu Wen also says ma lin; the Yi Wei Tong Gua Yan (a rare character lost in transcription) diagram says if the liting does not come forth the state will have many fires; Cai Yong's Monthly Ordinances in Chapters and Sentences says li is like ting; Gao You in his annotation of the Annals of Lü Buwei says the li grass sprouts. So the annotation on the Monthly Ordinances, treating liting as the name of a grass, is mistaken. In the plains and marshes of Hebei it mostly grows, and in Jiangdong there is a good deal of it, and people sometimes plant it by their steps and courtyards, calling it only "early cattail" (zaopu), so they do not recognize ma xie. The ritualists even consider horse amaranth (ma xian) edible, also called "pig's ear" (tun'er), and commonly "horse tooth" (maqi). In Jiangnan there was once a monk whose face was broad on top and narrow below. Liu Huan's (a rare character lost in transcription) son Zimin was praised for his years, being only a few years old, clever and quick to grasp things; seeing this monk he said "his face is like horse amaranth," and his uncle Liu Tao then called him "Master Liting." Tao was a famous Confucian who himself lectured on the rites, and even he erred so far. The Book of Songs says "he is slowly coming" (jiang qi lai shishi); the Mao Commentary says shishi means difficulty in advancing, Zheng's annotation says shishi is the appearance of walking leisurely, and the Han Shi also doubled it as shishi. The Hebei Mao Shi all write it as the doubled shishi, while the old Jiangnan editions all write the single shi, and the common people take that as right, which I fear is slightly mistaken. The Book of Songs says "dense clouds, thick and thick; rising clouds, slow and slow" (you yan qiqi, xing yun qiqi); the Mao Commentary says yan is the look of dark clouds, qiqi is the look of clouds moving, and qiqi is slowness; the annotation says in ancient times, when yin and yang were harmonious and wind and rain came in season, they came slowly and not violently. But yan already means dark clouds, so why say "rising clouds" again? Yun (云, clouds) should be yu (雨, rain), an error from vulgar copying. Ban Gu's "Ode on the Spirit Terrace" says "the three lights spread their essence, the five phases lay out their order, gentle auspicious winds, slow and gentle sweet rain," and this is the evidence. The Record of Rites says "settle hesitation and decide doubts" (ding youyu, jue xianyi), and the Lisao says "the heart hesitates and is doubtful as a fox" (xin youyu er huyi); earlier Confucians gave no explanation. According to the Shizi, a dog five chi long is called you, and the Shuowen says in Longxi a puppy is called you. I think that when a person walks with a dog, the dog likes to run ahead of the person, and when it cannot wait, it comes back to meet him. (A rare character lost in transcription.) Going back and forth like this all day long is why yu (豫) means undecided and it is called youyu. Or, according to the Erya, you is like a muntjac and good at climbing trees; you is the name of a beast, which on hearing a human sound climbs a tree beforehand, and going up and down in this way it is called youyu. The fox, too, is a beast of much suspicion, and so it listens for the sound of flowing water under the river ice before it crosses. The common sayings today, "fox suspicion" and "tiger divination," mean just this. The Zuo Commentary says "the Marquis of Qi had jie, and then shan" (Qi hou jie, sui shan). The Shuowen says jie (痎) is malaria that recurs every two days, and shan (痁) is malaria with fever. According to this, the Marquis of Qi's illness was originally recurring every other day, and gradually became worse, so it became a worry for the lords. In the north today it is still called jie malaria, pronounced jie. The common copies in the world mostly write jie (痎) as jie (疥, scabies), and Du Yu did not explain it, and Xu Xianmin pronounces it jie. Vulgar Confucians make this fit by saying: scabies makes people chilled, and it changes into malaria. This is conjecture. Scabies and ringworm are minor ailments not worth discussing; how could one suffer scabies that turns into malaria? The Book of Documents says "as shadow and echo" (wei ying xiang), the Rites of Zhou speaks of measuring shadows with a gnomon, "the morning shadow and the evening shadow," Mencius says "drawing the shadow loses the form," and Zhuangzi says "the penumbra asks the shadow"; these characters should all be jing (景) of guangjing, light and shadow. In general, shadows arise because of light, and so they are called jing. The Huainanzi calls it jing zhu (景柱), and the Guangya says the sundial pillar hangs a shadow (jing), and these are all so. It was only in the Jin dynasty that Ge Hong's Ziyuan added 彡 (pronounced shan) beside it, pronounced yu-jing fan, and the world now readily alters the Book of Documents, the Rites of Zhou, Zhuangzi and Mencius to follow Ge Hong's character, which is a serious error. The Taigong Six Secret Teachings has the heavenly formation, the earthly formation, the human formation, and the cloud-and-bird formation, and the Analects says Duke Ling of Wei

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asked Confucius about battle formations. The Zuo Commentary has the "fish-scale formation." The vulgar editions mostly write it with the radical for mound beside the character for chariot (陣). According to this, these chen characters should all be written as chen (陈) of Chen and Zheng. The meaning of "line formation" is taken from arraying in rows, which is a phonetic loan among the six categories of characters. The Cang and the Ya and recent dictionaries have no other character; only Wang Xizhi's Short Chapters for Elementary Learning alone writes the mound radical beside the chariot. Even if it is in common use, one ought not retroactively alter the Six Secret Teachings, the Analects and the Zuo Commentary. The Book of Songs says "the yellow bird flies, and alights on the guan trees" (huangniao yu fei, ji yu guanmu); the Commentary says guanmu is clustered trees. This is originally text from the Erya, so Li Xun's annotation says trees growing in clusters are called guan. The last chapter of the Erya also says trees growing in clans are guan, and zu too means gathering in clusters. So the ancient Jiangnan editions of the Songs all write cong (藂) of congju, and the ancient character cong looks like (a rare character lost in transcription), and recent Confucians therefore changed it to (a rare character lost in transcription), explaining it as a tall tree (a rare character lost in transcription). According to the various Erya scholars and Shi exegetes, none say this; only Zhou Xuzhi's Mao Shi annotation gives the sound as zu (a rare character lost in transcription) fan, and Liu Changzong's Shi annotation gives the sound as zai-gong fan, and also zu (a rare character lost in transcription) fan, all of which are far-fetched and lose the Erya's gloss. Ye (也) is a particle for ending a sentence and for assisting a phrase, and it appears throughout the written records. The Hebei classics and commentaries entirely omit this character, though in some places it cannot be done without, as in "Bo ye zhi shu," "yu zu ye yu," "Hui ye lü kong," "feng, feng ye, jiao ye," and in the Shi Commentary "bu ji, ji ye," "bu nuo, nuo ye," "bu duo, duo ye" and the like; if these words were deleted, it would leave serious gaps. The Book of Songs says "blue, blue is your collar" (qingqing zi jin); the Commentary says qingjin is a blue collar, the dress of students. According to this, in ancient times the slanting collar joined down to the jin, so the collar was called jin. Sun Yan and Guo Pu in annotating the Erya, and Cao Dagu in annotating the Biographies of Exemplary Women, all say jin is the crossed collar. The Yexia editions of the Songs have no ye (也) there, and the various Confucians therefore wrongly say qingjin and qinglin are names of two places on the garment, both trimmed with blue, using that to explain the two characters qingqing, which is a great error. There are also vulgar scholars who, hearing that the classics and commentaries sometimes need ye (也), add it carelessly whenever they like, often in the wrong place, which is truly laughable. The Book of Changes has an annotation by Shucai, but the scholars of Jiangnan did not even know who that was. Wang Jian's Catalogue of the Four Divisions did not give a name and titled it Wang Bi. Later Xie Jiong and Xiahou Gai, who had both read thousands of volumes, suspected it was Qiao Zhou, but Li's Book of Shu, also called the Book of Han, says the man's surname was Fan and his name Changsheng, and that he called himself Shucai. In the south, because after the Jin crossed the river they called the records of the northern regions "false books" and did not value reading them, they could not see these. The Record of Rites, in the Royal Regulations, says "bare the arms and shins" (luo gu gong), and Zheng's annotation says this means (a rare character lost in transcription) the clothes leave the arm and shin exposed. Present books all write huan (擐) of huanjia, putting on armor. The Erudite of the Imperial Academy (a rare character lost in transcription) says: huan should be (a rare character lost in transcription), pronounced xuan; huan is a word for wearing, not the meaning of baring the arm. According to the Zilin, Xiao's reading is correct, and Xu Yuan's pronunciation huan is wrong. In the Book of Han, in the passage where Tian Ken congratulates the emperor, the Jiangnan editions all write the character xiao (宵). Liu Xian of Pei kingdom read widely in the classics and specialized in Ban Gu's Book of Han, and was called the Sage of the Han in the Liang dynasty. Xian's son Zhen did not let the family heritage fall, and in reading Ban's history he pronounced it Tian Ken. Emperor Yuan of Liang once asked him about it, and he answered: "There is no meaning to seek in this; it is only that my family's old copy used orpiment to change the character xiao to ken." Emperor Yuan had no way to press him. When I went north of the river, I saw copies that read ken. The Book of Han, in the Appraisal of Wang Mang, says "purple color, frog voice, the leftover portion, the intercalary position," meaning not (a rare character lost in transcription) the yellow color, and not in accord with the notes of the pitch pipes. Recently there is a scholar of very high reputation who actually said that Wang Mang was not only hawk-shouldered and tiger-eyed, but also purple-colored and frog-voiced, which is also a mistake. The character for bamboo slip (ce, 策) is written with bamboo above and 束 below (pronounced qi-ci fan); in the later age (a rare character lost in transcription). The writing is like the song of Qi-Song, and some also write it with bamboo above and 夹 below, just as the side of the character ci (刺) should be 束, and today it too is written with 夹. Xu Xianmin's sound glosses on the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Rites actually take (a rare character lost in transcription) as the correct character and ce as the sound, which is truly upside down. The Records of the Grand Historian also mistakes xi (悉) as shu (述), and mistakes du (妬) as gou (姤). Xu, Zou and the other masters all pronounce xi as shu and du as gou; if so, could one also take hai (亥) as the sound for shi (豕), and take di (帝) as the sound for hu (虎)? Zhang Yi says Fu (宓) is the same as the present Fuxi, and Meng Kang's annotation on the ancient-text Book of Han also says Fu (宓) is like the present

伏而皇甫謐雲伏羲或謂之宓羲按諸經史緯遂無宓羲之號虙字從虍【音呼】宓字從防【音綿】下俱為必末世傳冩遂誤以虙為宓而帝王世紀因誤更立名耳何以驗之孔子弟子虙子賤為單父宰即虙羲之後俗字亦為宓或復加山今兗州永昌郡城舊單父地也東門有子賤碑漢世所立乃雲濟南伏生即子賤之後是知虙之與伏古來通字誤以為宓較可知矣太史公記曰寜為雞口無為牛後此是刪戰國策耳按延篤戰國策音義曰屍雞中之主從牛子然則口當為屍後當為從俗冩誤也應劭風俗通雲太史公記髙漸離變名易姓為人庸保匿作於宋子久之作苦聞其家堂上有客擊築伎癢不能無出言案伎癢者懷其伎而腹癢也是以潘岳射雉賦亦云徒心煩而伎癢今史記並作徘徊或作徬徨不能無出言是為俗傳冩誤爾太史公論英布曰禍之興自愛姬生於妬媚以至滅國又漢書外戚傳亦云成結寵妾妬媚之誅此二媚並當作媢媢亦妬也義見禮記三蒼且五宗世家亦云常山憲王后妬媢王充論衡雲妬夫媢婦生則忿怒鬭訟益知媢是妬之別名原英布之誅為意賁赫耳不得言媚史記始皇本紀二十八年丞相隗林丞相王綰等議於海上諸本皆作山林之林開皇二年五月長安民掘得秦時鐵稱權旁有銅塗鐫銘二所其一所曰廿六年皇帝盡併兼天下諸侯黔首大安立號為皇帝乃詔丞相狀綰灋度量不歉疑者皆明之凡四十字其一所曰元年制詔丞相斯去疾法度量盡始皇帝為之皆刻辭焉今襲號而刻辭不稱始皇帝其於久逺也如後嗣為之者不稱成功盛德刻此詔於左使母疑凢五十八字一字磨滅見有五十七字了了分明其書兼為古餘被勑冩讀之與內史令李德林對見此稱權今在官庫其丞相狀字乃為狀貌之狀爿旁作犬則知俗作隗林非也當為隗狀耳漢書云中外禔福字當從示禔安也音匙匕之匙義見蒼雅方言河北學士皆雲如此而江南書本多誤從手屬文者對耦併為提挈之意恐為誤或問漢書注為元后父名禁改禁中為省中何故以省代禁荅曰案周禮宮正掌王宮之戒令糺禁鄭注云糺猶割也察也李登雲省察也張揖雲省今省詧也然則小井所領二反並得訓察其處既常有禁衛省察故以省代禁詧古察字也漢明帝紀為四姓小侯立學校桓帝加元服又賜四姓及梁鄧小侯帛是知皆外戚也明帝時外戚有樊氏郭氏隂氏馬氏為四姓謂之小侯者或以年小獲封故須立學耳或以侍祠猥朝侯非列侯故曰小侯禮雲庶方小侯則其義也後漢書云鸛雀銜三鱓【音善】魚多假借為鱣鮪之鱣俗之學士因謂之為鱣魚案魏武四時食制鱣魚大如五斗匳長一丈郭璞注爾雅鱣長二丈安有鸛雀能勝一者況三頭乎鱣又純灰色無文章也鱓魚長者不過三尺大者不過三指黃地黒文故都講雲虵鱓卿大夫服之象也續漢書及搜神記亦說此事皆作鱓字孫卿雲魚鱉防鱣及韓非說苑皆曰鱣似虵蠶似蠋並作鱣字假鱣為鱓其來久矣後漢書酷吏樊曅為天水郡守涼州為之歌曰寧見乳虎穴不入曅城寺而江南書本穴皆誤作六學士因循迷而不寤夫虎豹穴居事之較著所以班超雲不探虎穴安得虎子寧當論其六七乎後漢書楊由傳云風吹削胏此是削札牘之柹耳古者書誤則削之故左傳云削而投之是也或即謂札為削王褒童約曰書削代牘蘇竟書云昔以摩研編削之才皆其證也詩云伐木滸滸毛傳云滸滸柹貌也史家假借為肝胏字俗本悉作脯臘之脯或為反哺之哺學士因解雲削哺是屏障之名既無證據亦為妄矣此是風角占耳風角書曰庶人風者拂地塵轉削若是屏障何由可轉也三輔決録雲前隊大夫範仲公防豉蒜果共一筩果當作魏顆之顆北士通呼物一由改為一顆蒜顆是俗間常語耳故陳思王鷂雀賦曰頭如果蒜目似花椒又道經云合口誦經聲璅璅眼中淚出珠子防其字雖異其音與義頗同江南但呼為蒜符不知謂為顆學士相承讀為裹結之裹言防與蒜共苞一裹內筩中耳正史削繁音義又音蒜顆為苦戈反皆失也有人訪吾曰魏志蔣濟上書云攰之民何字也餘應之曰意為攰即是倦之耳【要用字苑雲音九偽反字見廣雅及陳思王集也】張揖呂忱並雲支傍作刀劒之刀亦是剞字不知蔣氏自造支傍作筋力之力或借剞字終當音九偽反晉中興書太山羊曼常頽縱任俠飲酒誕節兗州號為濌伯此字更無音訓梁孝元帝嘗謂吾曰由來不識唯張簡憲見教呼為嚃羮之嚃自爾便遵承之亦不知所出簡憲是湘州刺史張纉諡也江南號為碩學案法盛世代殊近當是老相傳俗間又有濌濌語葢無所不施無所不容之意也顧野王玉篇誤為黒傍沓顧雖博物猶出簡憲孝元之下而二人皆雲重邊吾所見數本並無作黒者重沓是多饒積厚之意從黒更無義防古樂府歌詞先述三子次及三婦婦是對舅姑之稱其末章雲丈人且安坐調絃未遽央古者子婦供事舅姑旦夕在側與兒女無異故有此言丈人亦長老之目今世俗猶呼其祖考為先亡丈人又疑丈當作大北間風俗婦呼舅為大人公丈之與大易為誤耳近代文士頗作三婦詩乃為匹嫡並耦已之群妻之意又加鄭衛之辭大雅君子何其謬乎古樂府歌百里奚詞曰百里奚五羊皮憶別時烹伏雌吹扊扅今日富貴忘我為吹當作炊煑之炊案蔡邕月令章句曰鍵關牡也所以止扉或謂之剡移然則當時貧困並以門牡木作薪炊耳聲類作扊又或作扂通俗文世間題雲河南服防字子慎造防既是漢人其敘乃引蘇林張揖蘇張皆是魏人且鄭以前全不解反語通俗反音甚為近俗阮孝緒又云李防所造河北此書家藏一本遂無作李防者晉中經簿及七志並無其目竟不得知誰制然其文義允愜實是髙才殷仲堪常用字訓亦引服防俗說今復無此書未知即是通俗文為當有異近代或更有服防乎不能明也或問山海經夏禹及益所記而有長沙零陵桂陽諸暨如此郡縣不少以為何也荅曰史之闕文為日久矣加復秦人滅學董卓焚書典籍錯亂非止於此譬猶本草神農所述而有豫章朱崖趙國常山奉髙真定臨淄馮翊等郡縣名出諸藥物爾雅周公所作而云張仲孝友仲尼修春秋而經書孔丘卒世本左丘明所書【此說出皇甫謐帝王世紀】而有燕王喜漢髙祖汲冡語乃載秦望碑蒼頡篇李斯所造而云漢兼天下海內並厠豨黥韓覆畔討滅殘列仙傳劉向所造而賛雲七十四人出佛經列女傳亦向所造其子歆又作頌終於趙悼後而傳有更始韓夫人明德馬後及梁夫人嫕皆由後人所羼非本文也或問曰東宮舊事何以呼鴟尾為祠尾荅曰張敞者吳人不堪稽古隨宜記注遂鄉俗訛謬造作書字耳吳人呼祠祀為鴟祀故以祠代鴟呼紺為禁故以系旁作禁代紺字呼盞為竹簡反故以木傍作展以代盞字呼鑊字為霍字故以金傍作霍代鑊字又金傍作患為鐶字木傍作鬼為槐字火傍作庶為炙字既下作毛為髻字金花則金傍作華窓扇則木傍作扇諸如此類専輒不少又問東宮舊事六色罽防是何等物當作何音荅曰按說文雲莙牛藻也讀若威音隠塢瑰反即陸璣所謂聚藻葉如蓬者也郭璞注三蒼亦云蘊藻之類也細葉蓬茸生然今水中有此物一節長數寸細茸如絲圓繞可愛長者二三十節猶呼為莙又寸斷五色絲橫著線股間繩之以象莙草用以飾物即名為莙於時尚紺六色罽作此莙以飾緄帶張敞因造絲旁畏耳宜作隈栢人城東北有一孤山古書無載者唯闞駰十三州志以為舜納於大麓即謂此山其上今猶有堯祠焉世俗或呼為宣務山或呼為虛無山莫知所出趙郡土族有李穆叔季節兄弟李普濟亦為學問並不能定鄉邑此山餘嘗為趙州佐共太原王邵讀栢人城西門內碑碑是漢桓帝時栢人縣民為縣令徐整所立銘雲士有巏務山王喬所仙方知此巏務山也巏字遂無所出務字依諸子書即旄丘之旄也旄字字林一音亡付反今依附俗名當音權務耳入鄴為魏收說之收大嘉嘆值其為趙州莊嚴寺碑銘曰權務之精即用此也或問一夜何故五更更何所訓荅曰漢魏以來謂為

Fu (伏), and Huangfu Mi says Fuxi is sometimes called Mixi (宓羲). Checking the classics, the histories and the apocrypha (a rare character lost in transcription), there is no title Mixi at all. The character fu (虙) takes the radical 虍 (pronounced hu), while mi (宓) takes (a rare character lost in transcription) (pronounced mian) above, and both have bi (必) below. In the last age, copyists mistook fu (虙) for mi (宓), and the Records of the Emperors and Kings, because of that error, established a new name. By what can this be verified? Confucius's disciple Fu Zijian (虙子贱) was magistrate of Shanfu, and was a descendant of Fuxi (虙羲); the vulgar character is also written mi (宓), or sometimes with a mountain radical added. Today the city of Yongchang commandery in Yanzhou is the old Shanfu territory, and at its east gate there is the Zijian stele, set up in the Han dynasty, which says that Fu Sheng of Jinan was a descendant of Zijian; so one knows that fu (虙) and fu (伏) have been interchangeable characters since antiquity, and that taking it for mi (宓) is a mistake is plain. The Grand Historian's record says "better to be a chicken's beak than an ox's rear" (ning wei ji kou, wu wei niu hou), which is only an abridgment of the Strategies of the Warring States. According to Yan Du's Sounds and Meanings of the Strategies of the Warring States: shi (尸) is the master among chickens, and cong (从) is the calf of an ox. Then kou (口) should be shi, and hou (后) should be cong, and the vulgar copying has caused the error. Ying Shao's Comprehensive Meaning of Customs says that the Grand Historian records that Gao Jianli changed his name and surname and worked as a hired servant, hiding and laboring at Songzi; after a long time of hardship, he heard guests in the hall striking the zhu (a kind of zither), and his "jiyang" meant he could not help speaking out. According to this, jiyang means to hold one's skill in the heart so that the belly itches, and so Pan Yue's Pheasant-Shooting Rhapsody also says "the heart is vexed in vain and the skill itches." Today's Shiji copies all write "pacing back and forth" or "wandering," and "could not help speaking out," which is a vulgar copying error. In his discussion of Ying Bu the Grand Historian says: "The rise of the calamity came from a favored consort, born of jealousy and mei (媚), and it went as far as the destruction of the state," and the Book of Han, in the Biographies of the Imperial Relatives, also says "the execution for the jealousy and mei (媚) of favored concubines was brought about." Both these mei (媚) should be written mao (媢); mao also means jealousy, and its meaning is seen in the Record of Rites and the Sancang. Moreover the Hereditary House of the Five Lineages also says that the queen of King Xian of Changshan was jealous and mao (媢), and Wang Chong's Balanced Discourses says that jealous husbands and mao wives, when alive, fly into rage and quarrel and litigate, which shows still further that mao is another name for jealousy. Tracing back, Ying Bu's execution was on account of Ben He, so one cannot say mei. The Records of the Grand Historian, in the Basic Annals of the First Emperor, year twenty-eight, says the chancellors Wei Lin and Wang Wan and others deliberated at the seashore, and the various editions all write lin (林) of shanlin. In the fifth month of the second year of Kaihuang, the people of Chang'an dug up a Qin-period iron steelyard weight, beside which were two places with copper-coated engraved inscriptions. One says: "In the twenty-sixth year the Emperor completely annexed all the lords of the realm, the black-headed people were greatly at peace, and he established the title Huangdi, then ordered the chancellors Zhuang (状) and Wan (绾) to standardize the laws and measures. (A rare character lost in transcription.) (A rare character lost in transcription.) All who are doubtful (a rare character lost in transcription) make it clear." Forty characters in all. The other says: "In the first year an edict was issued to the chancellors Si (斯) and Quji (去疾): the standards of measure were all made by the First Emperor, and all were engraved with an inscription. Now that I have inherited the title, if the inscription does not call him the First Emperor, then in the distant future, if later heirs make it they will not mention his accomplished deeds and abundant virtue; I engrave this edict on the left so that there be no doubt." Fifty-eight characters in all, one character worn away, with fifty-seven clearly visible. Its script combines (a rare character lost in transcription) the ancient forms. I was ordered to copy and read it, and compared it with Li Delin, the Director of the Imperial Secretariat. This steelyard is now in the government storehouse, and its "chancellor Zhuang" uses the character zhuang (状) of zhuangmao with a 爿 radical beside the dog (犬), so one knows that the common "Wei Lin" is wrong and it should be "Wei Zhuang." The Book of Han says "within and without, ti (禔) blessings" (zhong wai tifu); the character should take the altar radical 示, ti being peace, pronounced like chi (匙) of chishi, a spoon, and its meaning appears in the Cang, the Ya and the Fangyan. The scholars of Hebei all say this, but the Jiangnan books mostly mistakenly follow the hand radical, and literary writers in antithetical lines all treat it as meaning "to lift," which I fear is a mistake. Someone asked: the annotation to the Book of Han says that because Empress Yuan's father was named Jin (禁), "the forbidden palace" (jinzhong) was changed to "the inspected palace" (shengzhong); why was sheng (省) used in place of jin (禁)? I answered: according to the Rites of Zhou, the Director of the Palace is in charge of the royal palace's warnings, orders and prohibitions, and Zheng's annotation says jiu (纠) is like ge (割, to cut), like cha (察, to inspect). Li Deng says sheng is cha, and Zhang Yi says sheng is the present xingcha (省察, to inspect). Then both readings, xiao-jing and suo-ling, can be glossed as "to inspect." That place always has guards inspecting, so sheng was used in place of jin. Cha (詧) is the ancient form of cha (察). The Annals of Emperor Ming of the Han say schools were established for the xiaohou of the four clans, and Emperor Huan's capping ceremony also gave silk to the four clans and the xiaohou of the Liang and Deng, from which one knows they were all imperial in-laws. In Emperor Ming's time, the imperial in-laws were the Fan, Guo, Yin and Ma clans, the four clans. They were called xiaohou (little marquises), perhaps because they were enfeoffed when young and so schools had to be set up, or because they attended sacrifices and crowded the court without being full marquises, so they were called xiaohou. The Record of Rites says "the xiaohou of the various regions," which is this meaning. The Book of the Later Han says a stork held three shan (鳝, pronounced shan) in its beak. The character for fish is often borrowed as zhan (鳣) of zhanwei, and so the vulgar scholars call it zhan fish. According to Emperor Wu of Wei's Seasonal Foods Regulations, the zhan fish is as big as a five-dou lian chest and one zhang long; Guo Pu, annotating the Erya, says the zhan is two zhang long. How could a stork manage even one, let alone three? Moreover the zhan is uniformly gray with no pattern. The shan eel is no more than three chi long and no thicker than three fingers, with a yellow ground and black markings, and so all explain that the snake-eel is the emblem of the robes of ministers and grandees. The Continuation of the Book of Han and the Record of Seeking Spirits also tell this story, and both write the character shan (鳝). Xunzi says "fish and turtles (a rare character lost in transcription) zhan," and the Hanfeizi and the Garden of Stories both say the zhan resembles a snake, and a silkworm resembles a caterpillar (shu), writing the character zhan (鳣). Borrowing zhan for shan has a long history. In the Book of the Later Han, in the cruel officials section, Fan Ye was governor of Tianshui, and Liangzhou made a song for him: "Better to see the den of a nursing tigress than to enter the city office of Ye." But the Jiangnan editions all mistakenly write xue (穴, den) as liu (六, six), and scholars follow along without realizing. That tigers and leopards live in dens is very clear, which is why Ban Chao said that if you do not enter the tiger's den, how can you get the tiger cubs; how could one argue about whether it is six or seven? The Book of the Later Han, in the biography of Yang You, says "the wind blows the shaved shavings" (feng chui xue fei); this is fei (柿) of shaving slips and tablets. In ancient times, when writing was mistaken it was shaved off, which is why the Zuo Commentary's "shaved it off and threw it away" is just this. Or tablets are simply called xue (削); Wang Bao's Contract with the Boy says "let the writing shavings substitute for tablets," and Su Jing's letter says "formerly with the talent of grinding the inkstone and binding the shavings," both being evidence. The Book of Songs says "felling trees, xuxu" (fa mu xuxu), and the Mao Commentary says xuxu is the appearance of shavings. The historians borrow it for the characters of liver and lung (gan-fei), while the vulgar editions all write fu (脯) of pulà, dried meat, or bu (哺) of fanbu, feeding back; scholars therefore explain "xue bu" as the name of a screen, with no evidence at all, which is also empty talk. This is the wind-corner divination (a rare character lost in transcription) and no more. The Book of Wind Corners says: when a commoner's wind brushes the ground (a rare character lost in transcription) the dust turns into shavings. If it were a screen, how could it be turned? The Record of the Three Capital Regions says the Grand Master of the Front Division Fan Zhonggong had "fermented beans, garlic and guo (果) together in a single tube." Guo should be ke (颗) of Wei Ke. In the northern lands one piece of a thing is commonly called one ke; "garlic ke" is a common saying among the people, which is why Prince Si of Chen's Rhapsody of the Sparrow Hawk and the Sparrow says "its head like a garlic ke, its eyes like peppercorns"; and a Daoist scripture says "with mouth closed reciting the scripture, the sound suosuo, tears from the eyes like pearls (a rare character lost in transcription)." The characters differ, but the sound and meaning are fairly alike. Jiangnan only calls it "garlic bulb" (suanfu), and does not know the term ke. Scholars pass down reading it as guo (裹) of guojie, bundling, saying (a rare character lost in transcription) and garlic are wrapped together in one bundle and put in the tube. The Sounds and Meanings of the Abridged Standard Histories also gives "garlic ke" the sound ku-ge fan, all of which is wrong. Someone asked me: in the Record of Wei, Jiang Ji's memorial says "(a rare character lost in transcription) gui (攰) the people"; what character is that? I answered at once: I think gui (攰) means (a rare character lost in transcription) weary. (The Yaoyong Ziyuan says (a rare character lost in transcription) is pronounced jiu-wei fan, and the character appears in the Guangya and the Collected Works of Prince Si of Chen.) Zhang Yi and Lü Chen both say it has the branch radical beside dao (刀) of sword, which is also the character ji (剞). They did not know that Jiang made the character himself with the branch radical beside li (力) of jinli (筋力, strength), or borrowed the character ji, and in the end it should be pronounced jiu-wei fan. The Book of Jin Revival says that Yang Man of Taishan was often dissolute and indulgent and chivalrous, drank wine, and broke with propriety, and Yanzhou called him Ta Bo (濌伯). This character has no sound or meaning gloss at all. Emperor Xiaoyuan of Liang once told me: he had never recognized it, and only Zhang Jianxian had instructed him, calling it ta (嚃) of tageng (嚃羹, to gulp soup), and from then on he followed that, but he did not know its source. Jianxian is the posthumous name of Zhang Zuan, Governor of Xiangzhou, called a great scholar in Jiangnan. According to this, Fasheng's era is very close, so it should be (a rare character lost in transcription) an old tradition. Vulgar speech also has "tata" speech, which roughly means leaving nothing unapplied and nothing uncontained. Gu Yewang's Yupian mistakenly writes it with the black radical beside ta (沓). Gu, though learned, was below Jianxian and Xiaoyuan, and both of those two said it has a doubled side. Of the several copies I have seen, none writes it with black. Chongta means plentiful and thick in accumulation; with black it has no meaning (a rare character lost in transcription). The ancient yuefu song lyrics first describe three sons and then turn to three wives, with "wife" being the term used toward parents-in-law, and its last chapter says "Elder, please sit at ease, and tuning the strings is not yet at an end." In ancient times sons' wives served their parents-in-law, at their side morning and evening just as children did, and so there are such words. Zhangren is also a label for elders, and today the common people still call their deceased grandfather "the late zhangren." Also I suspect zhang (丈) should be da (大). In the northern custom a wife calls her father-in-law "daren gong," and zhang and da are easily confused. Recent literati have written many poems on the "Three Wives," and even take it as meaning equal and matched primary wives, with themselves having a group of wives, and also add the lyrics of Zheng and Wei; how mistaken for gentlemen of refined taste! The ancient yuefu song lyrics about Baili Xi say: "Baili Xi, five ram skins. Remember when we parted, we cooked the hen, and burned the door bolt. Now that you are rich and noble, have you forgotten me?" Chui (吹) should be chui (炊) of cooking. According to Cai Yong's Monthly Ordinances in Chapters and Sentences: the jian (键) is the door's bolt that stops the leaf, or is called yanyi. So at that time, in poverty, they used the wooden door bolt as firewood. The Shenglei writes it as yan (扊), or as dian (扂). The world gives the Tongsu Wen (Popular Writings) as made by Fu (a rare character lost in transcription) Zishen, and since (a rare character lost in transcription) was a man of the Han, yet its narrative cites Su Lin and Zhang Yi, both men of Wei, and moreover before Zheng (a rare character lost in transcription) no one understood fanqie spelling at all, while the Tongsu's fanqie sounds are quite vulgar. Ruan Xiaoxu also says it was made by Li (a rare character lost in transcription). In Hebei each household keeps a copy of this book, but none writes it as Li (a rare character lost in transcription). The Jin Zhongjing Bu and the Seven Treatises have no entry for it, and so we cannot know who made it. Yet its text and meaning are apt, and it is truly the work of a high talent. Yin Zhongkan's Instruction in Commonly Used Characters also cites the vulgar sayings of Fu (a rare character lost in transcription); now that book no longer exists, and I do not know whether it is the Tongsu Wen or something else. In recent times is there perhaps yet another Fu (a rare character lost in transcription)? This cannot be made clear. Someone asked: the Classic of Mountains and Seas was recorded by Yu of Xia and Yi, yet it has Changsha, Lingling, Guiyang and Zhuji, so many commandery and county names; what do you make of this? I answered: the gaps in the histories have existed for a long time, and with the Qin destroying learning and Dong Zhuo burning books, the disorder in canonical texts goes beyond this. For example the Materia Medica, said to be related by Shennong, yet has the commandery and county names Yuzhang, Zhuya, Zhao, Changshan, Fenggao, Zhending, Linzi and Fengyi appearing for drugs; the Erya, made by the Duke of Zhou, yet says "Zhang Zhong was filial and friendly"; Zhongni edited the Spring and Autumn Annals, yet the classic records the death of Kong Qiu; the Hereditary Genealogies (Shiben) written by Zuo Qiuming (this claim comes from Huangfu Mi's Records of the Emperors and Kings) yet has King Xi of Yan and Emperor Gaozu of Han; the sayings of the Jizhong (a rare character lost in transcription) actually record the Mount Qinwang stele; the Cangjie Pian was made by Li Si, yet it says "Han annexed the world, within the seas all joined, Xi was tattooed, Han overturned, rebels were punished and destroyed"; the Biographies of Immortals was made by Liu Xiang, yet its eulogy says seventy-four people came from the Buddhist scriptures; the Biographies of Exemplary Women was also by Xiang, and his son Xin wrote the eulogies, ending with Queen Dao of Zhao, yet the biographies contain Han's wife of Gengshi, Empress Ma of Mingde and Lady Liang Yi. All of these were interpolated by later people and are not the original text. Someone asked: why does the Old Matters of the Eastern Palace call chiwei (鸱尾, the owl-tail roof ornament) ciwei (祠尾)? I answered: Zhang Chang was a man of Wu who could not examine antiquity, and he noted things down as he saw fit, following the errors of his native-place customs and fabricating written characters. The people of Wu call ci si (祠祀, sacrifice) chi si, so he used ci for chi; they call gan (绀, dark blue) jin, so he used the silk radical beside jin (禁) for gan; they call zhan (盏, cup) zhu-jian fan, so he used the wood radical beside zhan (展) for zhan; they call the character huo (镬) huo (霍), so he used the metal radical beside huo (霍) for huo (镬); also the metal radical beside huan (患) for huan (镮), the wood radical beside gui (鬼) for huai (槐), the fire radical beside shu (庶) for zhi (炙), and below it mao (毛) for ji (髻), a topknot; for gold flower he writes the metal radical beside hua (华), and for window leaf the wood radical beside shan (扇). Things of this kind he arbitrarily made in some number. Someone further asked: in the Old Matters of the Eastern Palace, what sort of thing is the six-color ji (a rare character lost in transcription), and what is its sound? I answered: according to the Shuowen, jun (莙) is ox-alga, read like wei, with the sound yin-wu-gui fan, which is what Lu Ji calls the clustered alga whose leaves are like fleabane. Guo Pu's annotation on the Sancang also says it is a kind of yunzao, with fine leaves growing in a shaggy tuft. Today in the water there is this thing, with one joint several cun long, fine and downy like silk, round and curling and lovely, the long ones having twenty or thirty joints, and it is still called jun. Also, five-color silk threads cut into inch lengths are laid across the strands of a thread and tied up to resemble jun grass to decorate objects, and that too is called jun. At that time six-color dark-blue ji was made into this jun to decorate belts, and Zhang Chang therefore made the silk radical beside wei (畏). It should be written wei (隈). To the northeast of Bairen city there is a solitary hill, not recorded in ancient books; only Kan Yin's Records of the Thirteen Provinces holds that "Shun entered the great forest" refers to this hill, and on top of it there is still a temple to Yao. The common people sometimes call it Xuanwu Mountain or Xuwu Mountain, and no one knows where this comes from. Among the gentry of Zhao commandery were Li Muhu and his brother Jijie, and Li Puji also had learning, but none could settle the name of this hill in their own locality. I once served as an assistant in Zhaozhou, and with Wang Shao of Taiyuan I read the stele inside the west gate of Bairen city; the stele had been set up in the time of Emperor Huan of the Han by the people of Bairen county for the county magistrate Xu Zheng, and its inscription says "There is the Quanwu Mountain among scholars, where Wang Qiao became an immortal," and only then did I know this Quanwu Mountain. The character quan (巏) has no source at all, and wu (務), according to the books of the various masters, is mao (旄) of Maoqiu, and the Zilin gives one sound for mao as wang-fu fan; now following the vulgar name, it should be pronounced Quanwu. When I entered Ye I told Wei Shou, and Shou praised it greatly; he happened to be writing the stele inscription for Zhuangyan Temple in Zhaozhou, which says "the essence of Quanwu," and so he used this. Someone asked: why is one night five watches, and what is the gloss for geng? I answered: since the Han and Wei dynasties it has been called

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The names jiaye, yiye, bingye, dingye and wuye (first to fifth night watches), also called drum one, drum two, drum three, drum four and drum five, and also called first watch, second watch, third watch, fourth watch and fifth watch, all take five as the division. The Xidu Fu also says "guarded by the office of the strict watches". The reason is this: suppose in the first month the handle of the Dipper points to yin; at dusk it points to yin and at dawn to wu, from yin to wu passing through five double-hours. Although in winter and summer the nights vary in length, the double-hours are widely spaced and the night never exceeds six or falls short of four, advancing or receding always within five. Geng means 'to pass through' and 'to traverse', so it is called the five geng. The Erya says that shu is the mountain ji, and Guo Pu's commentary says that nowadays shu resembles ji and grows in the mountains. Since the leaf of shu resembles ji, in recent times literary men read ji (蓟) as the jin (筋) of 'muscle' to pair antithetically with 'bone', and using it that way I fear loses the meaning. Someone asked: the popular name for the puppet is Guo Tu (Bald Guo); is there a basis for this? I answered: the Fengsu Tong says that all Guos avoid the word 'bald'; there must have been a man surnamed Guo in an earlier age who was afflicted with baldness and was a comic and jester, so later people made a figure of him and called it Guo Tu, just as Wenkang is the likeness of Yu Liang. Someone asked: why is the army adviser in charge of prisons called Chang Liu? I answered: the Diwang Shiji says that when Emperor Shaohao died, his spirit descended on Mount Changliu [this originally comes from the Shanhai Jing, which writes liu with a different character], and in sacrifices he presides over autumn [this comes from the Yueling]. According to the Zhouli, the Minister of Crime of the autumn office is in charge of punishments; the post of Chang Liu was, in the Han and Wei, that of a clerk who catches thieves, and only from the Jin and Song became an army adviser, subordinate to the Minister of Crime, so the dwelling of the Autumn Emperor was taken as an auspicious name. A guest challenged the host: "You say that the present classics are all wrong, and that what the Shuowen says is all right; does Xu Shen surpass Confucius?" The host clapped his hands and laughed and answered: "Are the present classics all in Confucius' own hand?" The guest said: "Is the present Shuowen all in Xu Shen's own hand?" I answered: "Xu Shen used the six categories of writing to test and the radicals to string them together, so that errors could not occur, and if they did they could be detected. Confucius preserved the meaning and did not discuss the wording. Earlier scholars could still follow the sense when facing a text, let alone in copying and transmission. If, as in the Zuozhuan, 'stop the spear' makes 'martial' (武), 'reversing correct' makes 'lacking' (乏), 'dish and insect' makes 'poison' (蛊), and the character for the twelfth branch has two heads and six bodies, later people naturally may not casually alter them; how dare they use the Shuowen to judge their rightness? Moreover I do not take the Shuowen as always right; where it cites classics and commentaries that differ from today's, I have not dared to follow it. Also, Sima Xiangru's Fengshan Shu says 'dao one stalk with six ears to the kitchen, sacrificial animals with twin horns butting together'; this dao means 'to select', as in Emperor Guangwu's edict, 'not only the labor of rearing and selecting beforehand'. But the Shuowen says dao is the name of a grain and cites the Fengshan Shu as evidence. It is fine that there should be a grain named dao, but that is not what Xiangru used. A single stalk with six ears sent to the kitchen, how would that make a sentence? Even if Xiangru's genius were crude and he forced this line, the next line should say 'unicorn with twin horns butting together', and not 'sacrificial animal'. I once laughed that Xu Shen was a pure scholar who did not understand the form of literary composition, and things like this are not to be relied on. In general I admire that this book of his is systematic in its principles and thorough in tracing roots, and Zheng (a rare character here, lost in transcription) often cited it as evidence when annotating books. If one does not trust his explanations, then (a rare character here, lost in transcription) (a rare character here, lost in transcription) will not know what a single stroke means." The petty learning of the world does not penetrate ancient and modern, and insists on using small seal script to correct all writings. How could the Erya, the Sancang and the Shuowen all fully get Cang Jie's original intent? They too were adjusted and revised with each age, each with agreements and differences. Dictionaries before the Western Jin cannot all be wrong; it is enough if the system is complete and not arbitrary. In examining right and wrong, special deliberation is needed. As to the three characters 'Zhongni ju', two of them are not in standard form: the Sancang adds a hill beside 'ni', and the Shuowen puts 'ji' beneath 'ju'; how can things like this be followed? In ancient times there were not two characters, and there were many loan characters, such as using zhong (中) for zhong (仲), shuo (说) for yue (悦), zhao (召) for shao (邵), and xian (闲) for xian (閒); such cases need not be corrected. There are also errors that have become vulgar: writing luan (乱) with a tongue (舌) beside it, putting no ear below yi (揖), writing yuan and tuo with (a rare character here, lost in transcription), writing fen and duo with huan [pronounced guan], adding a belt to the middle of xi (席), putting xi (西) above e (恶), setting pi (皮) outside gu (鼓), producing hui (毁) at the head of zao (凿), pairing yu (禹) with li (离), adding huo (豁) to he (壑), mixing wu (巫) beside jing (经), splitting ze (泽) in half for gao (皋), turning lie (猎) into ge [pronounced ge, the name of a beast, from the Shanhai Jing], and changing chong (宠) into long (竉) [long is pronounced lang-dong fan and means a hole, hence it takes the cave radical]. The character shuai (率) has its own lü reading and is forcibly changed to something else; the character shan (单) has its own shan reading and is casually split into a different one. Things like this must be put right. When I first read the Shuowen, I looked down on vulgar characters; if I followed the correct form I feared people would not recognize it, and if I followed custom I disliked it in my heart as wrong, and I could hardly put brush to paper. As what I saw grew broader, I better understood accommodating change, mended my earlier stubbornness, and meant to take half from each. In literary writing and composition, still choose those that somewhat accord with the standard; in official documents and ordinary letters, I hope you will not go against custom. Note that the character gen in miangen is made of two lines with a boat between; the Shijing says "gen the black millet and double-kernel millet", which is this. Now (a rare character here, lost in transcription) the books turn the boat into a sun, and He Fasheng's Zhongxing Shu even takes 'a boat between two lines' as the character for 'boat and ship', which is wrong. The Chunqiu says that 'person, ten, four, heart' make virtue (德), the Shi says that 'two under heaven' make you (酉), the Han Shu takes 'spring money' (泉货) as the White Water True Man, the Xinlun takes 'jin kun' for silver, the Guozhi takes 'a mouth above heaven' for Wu (吴), the Jin Shu takes 'a yellow-headed little man' for Gong (恭), the Song Shu takes 'zhao li' for shao (劭), and the Cantong Qi takes 'a person bearing gao' for zao (造). Cases like these are probably just numerological mistakes, loans, attachments and jokes mixed together. It is like turning gong (贡) into xiang (项) or using chi (叱) for qi (七); how could this be used to fix the pronunciation of characters? The split-and-join poems and rhapsodies of Pan, Lu and others, the character-breaking divination books and Bao Zhao's character riddles all take (a rare character here, lost in transcription) vulgar custom and are not to be judged by form and sound. Xing Fang of Hejian said to me: the Jia Yi Zhuan says 'at midday one must wei', and the commentary says wei means to expose. I have seen someone explain it as meaning 'sudden and swift', saying exactly that midday does not last a moment and passes abruptly; is this explanation right? I said to Xing: these words come originally from Taigong's Liutao. According to the dictionaries, in ancient times the character for exposing to the sun (暴) and the character for sudden (暴) were similar, differing only slightly at the bottom, and later people arbitrarily added the sun radical. It means that at midday one must expose things to the sun, or else the time is lost. Jin Zhuo has already explained it in detail. Xing Fang laughed, accepted it and withdrew.

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The people of the Nine Provinces speak differently, and it has been so since there were people. From the Chunqiu's marking of Qi speech in its commentary and the Lisao's taking Chu words as its classic, this was probably the beginning of relatively clear records. Later (a rare character here, lost in transcription) Xiong wrote the Fangyan, and that book is very complete, but it examines only differences in the names of things and does not make clear the rights and wrongs of pronunciation. When Zheng (a rare character here, lost in transcription) annotated the Six Classics, Gao You explained the Lüshi Chunqiu and Huainanzi, Xu Shen made the Shuowen, and Liu Xi made the Shiming, only then were there analogies and loans to demonstrate sounds. But ancient speech differs from the present, and its light and heavy, clear and muddy are still unclear, and added to this are such things as 'outer speech' and 'inner speech', 'quick speech' and 'slow speech', and 'read as', which make people still more doubtful. Sun Shuran created the Erya Yinyi; he was the only man at the end of the Han to know the fanqie spelling, and by the Wei period this became widely used, and the Duke of Gaogui Township, not understanding fanqie, thought it strange. After this, rhyme books sprang up, each with local flavor, mocking one another in turn, and the parable of pointing at a horse leaves unknown who is right. Taking the capitals of emperors and kings as a standard for local speech, and examining ancient and modern to settle it, (a rare character here, lost in transcription) weighing and measuring, only Jinling and Luoyang qualify. The southern land and water are soft and gentle, and the sound there is clear, raised and sharp, with the fault of being superficial, and its words are often vulgar; the northern mountains and rivers are deep and thick, and the sound there is deep, muddy and blunt, with the merit of being plain and direct, and its words contain many ancient expressions. Yet among gentlemen of rank the south is superior, while among common people of the villages the north is better. Change clothes and talk with them, and in the south the scholars and commoners can be told apart in a few sentences; listen to them through a wall, and in the north the court and countryside cannot be told apart all day. Yet the south is tainted by Wu and Yue, the north mixed with the barbarians, and both have deep flaws that cannot be fully discussed. Their lesser errors: southerners say qian (钱) as xian (涎), shi (石) as she (射), jian (贱) as xian (羡), and shi (是) as (a rare character here, lost in transcription); northerners say shu (庶) as shu (戍), ru (如) as ru (儒), zi (紫) as zi (姊), and qia (洽) as xia (狎). Cases like these have many mistakes on both sides. Since coming to Ye, I have seen only Cui Ziyue and his nephew Cui Zhan, and the brothers Li Zuren and Li Wei, who attended somewhat to speech and corrected it a little. Li Jijie's Yinyun Jueyi has errors at times, and Yang Xiuzhi's Qieyun is especially crude. When I see my children, even in childhood, I gradually correct them, and regard a single slip as my own fault. I have not dared casually to name things I have not checked in books, as you know. Ancient and modern speech, and the customs of the time, differ, and authors differ as Chu and Xia. The Cang Jie Xungu gives the fanqie of bai (粺) as bu-mai and wa (娃) as yu-guai; the Zhanguo (a rare character here, lost in transcription) gives wen (刎) the sound of mian (免); the Mu Tianzi Zhuan gives jian (谏) the sound of jian (间); the Shuowen gives jia (戛) the sound of ji (棘) and reads min (皿) as meng (猛); the Zilin gives (a rare character here, lost in transcription) the sound of kou-gan and shen (伸) the sound of xin (辛); the Yunji combines cheng, reng, hong and deng into two rhymes and splits wei, qi, yi and shi into four chapters; Li Deng's Shenglei gives xi (系) the sound of yi (羿); Liu Changzong's Zhouguan Yin reads cheng (乘) as cheng (承). Such cases are very many and must be examined. The fanqie of earlier ages also is often not accurate: Xu Xianmin's Maoshi Yin gives zhou (骤) as zai-gou, and his Zuozhuan Yin gives chuan (椽) as tu-yuan; the ones that cannot be relied on are many enough. The speech of today's scholars is also not correct, and who were the ancients? Why must one follow their errors and oddities? The Tongsu Wen says that to enter a room and seek is called sou, and the fanqie is xiong-hou, so xiong should be pronounced suo-rong. Now this pronunciation is common in northern custom, and it too is ancient speech that cannot be used. Yufan is a jade treasure of Lu and should be pronounced yu-fan, but all of Jiangnan reads it as the fan of fanping; Mount Qi should be pronounced qi as in 'strange', but all of Jiangnan calls it the qi of 'spirit' (祇). At Jiangling (a rare character here, lost in transcription) disappeared, and this pronunciation was passed to Guanzhong, and I do not know on which of the two it is based. By my shallow learning, I never heard of it before. Northerners mostly pronounce ju (举) and ju (莒) as ju (矩); only Li Jijie said: Duke Huan of Qi and Guan Zhong were plotting an attack on Ju on a terrace, and Dongguo Ya, seeing Duke Huan's mouth open and not close, knew that what was said was Ju. So ju (莒) and ju (矩) must not be pronounced the same, which shows an ear for sound. Objects have fine and coarse, and fine and coarse are called hao and e (good and bad); the human heart has what it leaves and takes, and leaving and taking are called hao and wu (to like and dislike) [the first read hu-hao, the second wu-gu]. This pronunciation appears in Ge Hong and Xu Miao, but the scholars of Hebei read the Shangshu's "hao [hu-hao] sheng wu [yu-ge] sha" (love life, hate killing); one is discussing the nature of objects and the other human feeling, which is quite wrong. Fu (甫) is a fine title for a man, and in ancient books it is often borrowed for fu (父, father); northerners have no one at all who pronounces it fu (甫), which is something I do not understand. Only the titles of Guan Zhong and Fan Zeng must be read by their written form [Guan Zhong's title was Zhongfu, and Fan Zeng's title was Yafu]. According to the various dictionaries, the character yan (焉) is the name of a bird, or some say a particle, and all pronounce it yu-qian. Since Ge Hong's Yaoyong Zi Yuan, the pronunciations and meanings of yan are divided: if it means 'how' or 'where', it should be pronounced yu-qian, as in "yu yan xiaoyao", "yu yan jia ke", "yan yong ning", "yan de ren"; if it ends a sentence or is a particle, it should be pronounced yi-qian, as in "gu cheng long yan", "gu cheng xue yan", "you min ren yan", "you she ji yan", "tuo shi yan er", "Jin Zheng yan yi". In Jiangnan this distinction is still observed and is clearly easy to understand, while Hebei merges them into one sound, and though it follows ancient reading, it cannot be used today. Ye (邪, read ya) is an undecided word. The Zuozhuan says "I do not know whether Heaven has abandoned Lu, or whether the ruler of Lu has offended the ghosts and spirits (ye)", the Zhuangzi says "is it heaven (ye), is it earth (ye)", and the Han Shu says "is it right (ye), is it wrong (ye)". But northerners pronounce it as the character ye (也), which is also a mistake. The challenger said: the Xici says "Qian and Kun are the gates of the Changes (ye)"; is this also an undecided word? I answered: why would it not be? Above, a question is first posed, and below, (a rare character here, lost in transcription) virtue comes to refute him. The scholars of Jiangnan, reading the Zuozhuan, passed down by word of mouth and set their own rules: an army that defeats itself is 'bai', and one that breaks others' army is 'bai' [bu-bai fan]. In the various records and commentaries I have not seen bu-bai fan; Xu Xianmin, reading the Zuozhuan, has this pronunciation in only one place, and he does not explain the difference between defeating oneself and defeating others; this is far-fetched. The ancients said that the sons of fat and grain are hard to put in order, because they are proud, extravagant and self-satisfied and cannot restrain themselves. I see that the speech of princes and imperial relatives is often not correct, also because within they are tainted by lowly nurses and tutors and outside they have no worthy teachers and friends. In the Liang, there was a marquis who, jesting before Emperor Yuan, declared himself dull and slow but pronounced the word as si duan. Emperor Yuan answered: "Si is not a cool wind, and duan is not Duangan Mu." He called Yingzhou Yongzhou, and Emperor Yuan reported to Jianwen, who said: "In gengchen Wu entered, and it was in the end the same as (a rare character here, lost in transcription)." In things like this, every mouthful is a mistake. Emperor Yuan personally instructed his sons' reading attendants and made this a warning. In Hebei the fanqie of gong (攻) is gu-cong, different from gong (工), gong (公) and gong (功), which is especially odd. In recent times there are people named Xian (暹) who call themselves Xian (纤), named Kun (琨) who call themselves Gun (衮), named Guang (洸) who call themselves Wang (汪), and named (a rare character here, lost in transcription) [pronounced yue] who call themselves jie [the sound (a rare character here, lost in transcription)], which is not only wrong in sound and rhyme but also causes endless confusion in taboo names for their sons and grandsons.

真草書跡微須留意江南諺雲尺牘書防千里面目也承晉宋餘俗相與事之故無頓狼狽者吾防承門業加性愛重所見法書亦多而翫習功夫頗至遂不能佳者良由無分故也然而此藝不須過精夫巧者勞而智者憂常為人所役使更覺為累韋仲將遺戒深有以也王逸少風流才士蕭散名人舉世唯知其書翻以能自蔽也蕭子云每嘆曰吾著齊書勒成一典文章義自謂可觀唯以筆跡得名亦異事也王褒地胄清華才學優敏後雖入闗亦被禮遇猶以書工﨑嶇碑碣之間辛苦筆硯之役嘗悔恨曰假使吾不知書可不至今日邪以此觀之慎勿以書自命雖然廝猥之人以能書防擢者多矣故道不同不相為謀也梁氏秘閣散逸以來吾見二王真草多矣家中嘗得十卷方知陶隠居阮交州蕭祭酒諸書莫不得羲之之體故是書之淵源蕭晩節所變乃是右軍年少時法也晉宋以來多能書者故其時俗遞相染尚所有部帙楷正可觀不無俗字非為大損至梁天監之間斯風未變大同之末訛替滋生蕭子云改易字體邵陵王頗行偽字前上為草能傍作長之類是也朝野翕然以為楷式畫虎不成多所傷敗至為一字唯見數防或妄斟酌遂便轉移爾後墳籍略不可防北朝喪亂之餘書跡鄙陋加以専輒造字猥拙甚於江南乃以百念為憂言反為變不用為罷追來為歸更生為蘇先人為老如此非一徧滿經傳唯有姚元標工於楷留心小學後生師之者眾洎於齊末秘書繕冩賢於往日多矣江南閭里間有畫書賦此乃陶隠居弟子杜道士所為其人未甚識字輕為軌則託名貴師世俗傳信後生頗為所誤也畫繪之工亦為玅矣自古名士多或能之吾家常有梁元帝手畫蟬雀白扇及馬圖亦難及也武烈太子偏能冩真坐上賓客隨宜防染即成數人以問童孺皆知姓名矣蕭賁劉孝先劉靈並文學已外復佳此法翫閱古今特可寳愛若官未通顯每被公私使令亦為猥役吳郡顧士端出身湘東國侍郎後為鎮南府刑獄叅軍有子曰庭西朝中書舍人乂子並有琴書之藝尤玅丹青常被元帝所使每懷羞恨彭城劉嶽槖之子也仕為驃騎府管記平氏縣令才學快士而畫絶倫後隨武陵王入蜀下牢之敗遂為陸防軍畫支江寺壁與諸工巧雜處向使三賢都不曉畫直運素業豈見此恥乎弧矢之利以威天下先王所以觀徳擇賢亦濟身之急務也江南為世之常射以為兵射冠冕儒生多不習此別有博射弱弓長箭施於凖的揖讓升降以行禮焉防禦冦難了無所益亂離之後此術遂亡河北文士率曉兵射非直葛洪一箭已解追兵三九防集常縻榮賜雖然要輕禽截狡獸不願汝輩為之卜筮者聖人之業也但近世無復佳師多不能中古者卜以決疑今人生疑於卜何者守道信謀欲行一事卜得惡卦反令恜恜【音敇惕也】此之謂乎且十中六七以為上手粗知大意又不委曲凢射竒偶自然半收何足頼也世傳云解隂陽者為鬼所嫉坎貧窮多不稱泰吾觀近古以來尤精妙者唯京房管輅郭璞耳皆無官位多或罹災此言令人益信儻值世網嚴宻強負此名便有詿誤亦禍源也及星文風氣率不勞為之吾嘗學六壬式亦值世間好匠聚得龍首金匱玉爕玉厯十許種書討求無驗尋亦悔罷凡隂陽之術與天地俱生其吉防徳刑不可不信但去聖既逺世傳術書皆出流俗言辭鄙淺驗少妄多至如反支不行竟以遇害歸忌寄宿不免防終拘而多忌亦無益也算術亦是六藝要事自古儒士論天道定律厯者皆學通之然可以兼明不可以専業江南此學殊少唯范陽祖𣈶精之位至南康太守河北多曉此術【𣈶音豆】醫方之事取玅極難不勸汝曹以自命也微解藥性小小和合居家得以救急亦為勝事皇甫謐殷仲堪則其人也禮曰君子無故不徹琴瑟古來名士多所愛好洎於梁初衣冠子孫不知琴者號有所闕大同以末斯風頓盡然而此樂愔愔雅緻有深味哉今世曲解雖變於古猶足以暢神情也唯不可令有稱譽見役勲貴處之下坐以取殘杯冷炙之辱戴安道猶遭之況爾曹乎家語曰君子不愽為其兼行惡道故也論語云不有博奕者乎為之猶賢乎已然則聖人不用博奕為教但以學者不可常精有時疲倦則儻為之猶勝飽食昏睡兀然端坐耳至如吳太子以為無益命韋昭論之王肅葛洪陶侃之徒不許目觀手執此並勤篤之志也能爾為佳古為大博則六著小博則二焭今無曉者比世所行一焭十二棊數術淺短不足可翫圍棊有手談坐隠之目頗為雅戲但令人躭憒廢喪實多不可常也投壺之禮近世愈精古者實以小豆為其矢之躍也今則唯欲其驍益多益喜乃有倚竿帯劒狼壺豹尾龍首之名其尤玅者有蓮花驍汝南周璝正之子會稽賀徽賀革之子並能一箭四十餘驍賀又嘗為小障置壺其外隔障投之無所失也至鄴以來亦見廣寧蘭陵諸王有此校具舉國遂無投得一驍者彈棊亦近世雅戲消愁釋憒時可為之

One should pay a little attention to calligraphy in regular and cursive scripts. A Jiangnan proverb says: a letter's writing is a face a thousand miles away. We follow the leftover customs of the Jin and Song, and everyone engages in it, so there is no one who is suddenly disgraced. I (a rare character here, lost in transcription) inherited the family tradition, and moreover by nature I love and value it and have seen many model calligraphies, and I have put in considerable effort on practice, yet I could never become good, truly for lack of talent. But this art need not be pursued too finely. The skillful toil and the wise worry, and one is often ordered about by others, which feels more like a burden. Wei Zhongjiang's deathbed admonition has deep reason. Wang Xizhi was a man of refined talent and a leisurely famous man, yet the whole world knows only his calligraphy, and because of this ability he has instead been overshadowed. Xiao Ziyun often sighed: "I wrote the Qi Shu and completed it as a canonical work; its writing (a rare character here, lost in transcription) and meaning I regard as worth looking at, yet it is for my handwriting that I am known, which is strange." Wang Bao was of a distinguished and noble line, quick in talent and learning, and though after he entered the pass he was treated courteously, he was still sent running among stelae and toiling at brush and inkstone because of his skill in writing, and once said with regret: "If I had not known calligraphy, I might not have come to today." From this, one must never take calligraphy as one's calling. Even so, many lowly people are raised up (a rare character here, lost in transcription) through writing well, so those on different paths do not plan together. Since the Liang imperial library was scattered, I have seen many of the Two Wangs' regular and cursive writing, and once had ten scrolls of them at home, and only then knew that the writings of Tao Yinju, Ruan Jiaozhou and Xiao Jijiu all got the manner of Xizhi, so he is the source of calligraphy. The changes Xiao made in later years were in fact the method of Wang Youjun's youth. From the Jin and Song on there were many good calligraphers, so the fashion passed in turn from one to another, and all volumes of regular script were presentable, and it was not that there were no vulgar characters, which did no great harm. In the Tianjian era of the Liang this fashion was not yet changed, but at the end of Datong errors and substitutions grew. Xiao Ziyun changed the forms of characters, and the Prince of Shaoling often used false characters, such as writing the top of qian (前) as cao (草) or the side of neng (能) as chang (长). The court and country all agreed and took them as models, and in drawing a tiger and failing, much was damaged and ruined, so that in a single character one saw several (a rare character here, lost in transcription) or one casually added deliberations and shifted them. After this, the old texts were almost unreadable (a rare character here, lost in transcription). In the northern dynasties, after the upheavals, calligraphy was crude, and arbitrary invention of characters made it more vulgar and clumsy than in Jiangnan, even taking 'a hundred thoughts' (百念) as you (忧), 'speech reversed' (言反) as bian (变), 'not used' (不用) as ba (罢), 'pursuing and coming' (追来) as gui (归), 'living again' (更生) as su (苏), and 'elder person' (先人) as lao (老); things like this are not just one, and fill the classics and commentaries. Only Yao Yuanbiao was skilled in regular script (a rare character here, lost in transcription) and attended to philology, and many younger people took him as teacher. By the end of Qi, the copying done in the Palace Library was much better than before. In the villages of Jiangnan there is a Huashu Fu (Rhapsody on Painting and Calligraphy), written by the Daoist Du, a disciple of Tao Yinju, a man who hardly knew characters yet lightly set rules, using his teacher's honored name, and the world believed and passed it on, and the younger generation has been much misled by it. Skill in painting is also very fine, and famous men since ancient times have often been able in it. In my family there was always Emperor Yuan of Liang's hand-painted cicada and sparrow on a white (a rare character here, lost in transcription) fan and a picture of horses, which are hard to match. The Crown Prince Wulie was particularly good at drawing from life; the guests at the table, (a rare character here, lost in transcription) at leisure, would quickly tint several people, and if one took them to children they would all know the names. Xiao Ben, Liu Xiaoxian and Liu Ling were, besides literature, also skilled in this, and viewing their work is especially precious now and in the past. If one's office has not become prominent, one is often ordered about by officials and private persons, and it becomes a menial service. Gu Shiduan of Wujun began as an attendant in the Xiangdong principality and later became army adviser for punishments in the Zhennan administration, and his son Gu Ting was a Secretary of the Central Secretariat in the western court; father and son both had skill in zither and calligraphy and were especially marvelous in painting, and were often employed by Emperor Yuan, always harboring shame and resentment. Liu Yue of Pengcheng, son of Liu Tuo, served as record-keeper of the Piaoqi administration and magistrate of Pingshi County, was a gifted man of fine talent whose painting was peerless, and later followed the Prince of Wuling to Shu; when the defeat at Xialao came, he was made to paint the walls of the Zhijiang Temple for General Lu (a rare character here, lost in transcription) and kept company with the various craftsmen. If these three worthies had not known painting, and had simply pursued their plain profession, how would they have met this shame? The advantage of bow and arrow is to awe the world, and so the former kings used it to observe virtue and choose the worthy; it is also an urgent business for saving one's life. In Jiangnan, 'regular shooting', the ordinary business of the world, is treated as military shooting, and officials and Confucian scholars mostly do not practice it, and instead there is 'wide shooting', with weak bows and long arrows aimed at targets, bowing and yielding, ascending and descending in a rite, which is of no help in defending against enemy raids, and after the upheavals this art vanished. Most literary men of Hebei understand military shooting, not only like Ge Hong, whose single arrow resolved a pursuing force, but also (a rare character here, lost in transcription) often receiving honors and rewards. Even so, I do not want you to go and shoot light birds and cut off cunning beasts. Divination by tortoise and yarrow is the sage's work, but in recent times there are no good masters again and most cannot hit. In ancient times divination was used to settle doubts; now people have doubts because of divination. Why? Someone who holds the Way and believes in his plans, wanting to do something, gets an ill-omened hexagram and is instead uneasy [chi, meaning alarmed], which is this. Moreover, one who hits six or seven out of ten is taken for an expert, though he only roughly knows the main idea and is not thorough. In shooting odd or even, half will naturally be right, so what is there to rely on? It is said in the world that those who explain yin and yang are envied by ghosts, and (a rare character here, lost in transcription) are poor, and many are not called prosperous. I see that those especially fine since recent antiquity are only Jing Fang, Guan Lu and Guo Pu, none of whom held office, and many met disaster, and this saying is the more believable. If one meets a time when the net of the world is tightly drawn, and unwillingly bears this name, one will be implicated by error, which is also a source of calamity. As for astronomical signs and wind-qi, there is no need to do any of it. I once studied the liuren method and also met a good craftsman in the world, and collected ten or so books such as the Longshou, Jingui, Yuluan and Yuli, and sought verification and found none, and soon regretted it and gave it up. The arts of yin and yang were born together with heaven and earth, and their (a rare character here, lost in transcription) good fortune, virtue and punishment must not be disbelieved, but we are far from the sages, and the books of arts passed down in the world all come from vulgar currents, with crude and shallow words, little verification and much falsehood. As for those who died because they would not travel on a fanzhi day, and those who, because of guiji, lodged elsewhere and in the end could not avoid (a rare character here, lost in transcription), being bound by many taboos is also of no benefit. Mathematics is also an important matter of the six arts, and from ancient times Confucian scholars who discuss the Way of Heaven and determine the pitch pipes and calendar have all learned it thoroughly, but one may study it alongside others, not as a specialty. In Jiangnan this learning is rare, and only Zu Geng of Fanyang was skilled at it, rising to be prefect of Nankang. In Hebei many understand this art [geng is pronounced dou]. The matter of medicine and prescriptions is extremely hard to master, and I do not urge you to make a career of it. To know medicinal properties a little and be able to make small mixtures, so as to help in emergencies at home, is also a good thing. Huangfu Mi and Yin Zhongkan were such men. The Liji says that the gentleman does not remove the zither without reason, and famous men since ancient times have mostly loved it. By the early Liang, scions of the gentry who did not know the zither were said to be deficient, but after Datong this fashion ended abruptly. Yet this music is calm and elegant and has deep flavor. Though the tunes of today have changed from the ancient, they are still enough to relieve the spirit. But one must not let people praise you, be ordered about by the powerful, sit in a low seat and take the humiliation of leftover cups and cold meat. Dai Andao even met with this; how much more you? The Jiayu says that the gentleman does not play bo, because it also practices evil ways. The Analects says: Are there not those who play bo and yi (go)? To do that is still better than doing nothing. So the sage did not use bo and yi for teaching, but because learners cannot always be at their finest, when tired they may do it occasionally, and it is still better than eating one's fill and dozing off or sitting rigidly upright. As to the Crown Prince of Wu who thought it useless and had Wei Zhao discuss it, and Wang Su, Ge Hong, Tao Kan and their like who did not allow themselves to look at or touch it, these are diligent and earnest aspirations, and if one can do so it is better still. In ancient times, the great bo used six sticks and the small bo used two qiong; today none understand it. What is practiced in recent times, one qiong and twelve pieces, has shallow and short arithmetic and is not worth playing. Go has the names 'hand conversation' and 'sitting in seclusion', and is quite an elegant game, but it truly makes people absorbed and ruinous, so it must not be played often. The rite of pitch-pot has grown more refined in recent times; in ancient times the pot was filled with small beans because they feared the arrows would bounce; now people merely seek the 'xiao' (a bounce-back scoring throw), the more the better, and there are such names as leaning pole, wearing sword, wolf pot, leopard tail and dragon head, and the most marvelous is the lotus-flower xiao. Zhou Gui of Runan is one; (a rare character here, lost in transcription) is the son of Zheng, and He Hui of Kuaiji is the son of He Ge, and both could get over forty xiao with one arrow. He also once made a small screen, placed the pot outside, and threw over the screen without ever missing. Since coming to Ye I have also seen princes of Guangning and Lanling with this equipment, but in the whole country there was none who threw even one xiao. Tanqi (finger-flick chess) is also an elegant game of recent times, to dispel sorrow and relieve boredom, and may be played occasionally.

死者人之常分不可免也吾年十九值梁家喪亂其間與白刃為伍者亦常數輩幸承餘福得至於今古人云五十不為夭吾已六十餘故心坦然不以殘年為念先有風氣之疾常疑奄然聊書素懷以為汝誡先君先夫人皆未還建鄴舊山旅江陵東郭承聖末啟求都欲營遷厝詔賜銀百兩已於州小郊北地燒磚使值本朝淪沒流離如此數十年間絶於還望今雖混一家道罄窮何由辦此奉營資費且都汗毀無復孑遺還被下溼未為得計自咎自責貫心刻髓計吾兄弟不當仕進但以門衰骨肉單弱五服之內傍無一人播越他鄉無復資廕使汝等沈淪廝役以為先世之恥故靦冒人間不敢墜失兼以北方政教嚴切全無隠退者故也今年老疾侵儻然奄忽豈求備禮乎一日放臂沐浴而已不勞復魄殮以常衣先夫人棄背之時屬世荒饉家塗空迫兄弟防弱棺器率薄藏內無塼吾當松棺二寸衣帽已外一不得自隨床上唯施七星板至如蠟弩牙玉豚錫人之屬並須停省糧甖明器故不得營碑誌旒旐彌在言外載以鱉甲車襯土而下平地無墳若懼拜掃不知兆域當築一堵低牆於左右前後隨為私記靈筵勿設枕幾朔望祥禫唯下白粥清水乾棗不得有酒肉餅果之祭親友來餟酹者一皆拒之汝曹若違吾心有加先妣則陷父不孝在汝安乎其內典功徳隨力所至勿刳竭生資使凍餒也四時祭祀周孔所教欲人勿死其親不忘孝道也求諸內典則無益焉殺生為之翻増罪累若報罔極之徳霜露之悲有時齋供及盡忠信不辱其親所望於汝也孔子之親也雲古者墓而不墳丘東西南北之人也不可以弗識也於是封之崇四尺然則君子應世行道亦有不守墳墓之時況為事際所逼也吾今羈旅身若浮雲竟未知何鄉是吾地唯當氣絶便埋之耳汝曹宜以傳業揚名為務不可顧戀朽壤以取湮沒也

Death is the constant lot of people and cannot be avoided. At nineteen I met the ruin of the Liang house, and in that time I kept company with bare blades several times, and only by good fortune from my ancestors have I reached today. The ancients said that death at fifty is not early; I am past sixty, so my heart is at ease and I do not worry about my remaining years. I earlier had a wind illness and often suspected I would suddenly depart, so I write down my usual thoughts as a warning to you. My late father and late mother were not returned to the old hills of Jianye, but were left (a rare character here, lost in transcription) at the eastern suburb of Jiangling. At the end of the Chengsheng era I petitioned (a rare character here, lost in transcription) for the capital, hoping to arrange the reburial, (a rare character here, lost in transcription), and the Emperor decreed a gift of a hundred taels of silver, and bricks were already being fired in the northern lands of the small suburb of (a rare character here, lost in transcription) prefecture, when the fall of the dynasty came, and in such wandering and displacement the hope has been cut off for decades. Now though the realm is united, my family is destitute, and how can I manage the funds to carry this out? Moreover (a rare character here, lost in transcription) the capital is ruined and nothing remains, and the ground is low and damp, which would not be a sound plan. I blame myself and reproach myself, and it pierces my heart and carves my marrow. Reckoning it up, we brothers should not have sought office at all, but because our house had declined and our kin were few and weak, with not one person within the five degrees of mourning, scattered in a foreign land with no inherited privilege, so that you would sink to be menials, which is a disgrace to our ancestors, I shamelessly entered the world and did not dare fall, and further, northern government and teaching were strict and there were no hermits at all. Now that I am old and ill, if I should suddenly die, how can I demand full ceremony? Once I let go, simply wash me; there is no need for recalling the soul, and bury me in ordinary clothes. When my late mother died, the age was one of famine and the family fortunes empty and pressed; my brothers (a rare character here, lost in transcription) were weak, the coffin and implements were plain and thin, and there were no bricks in the tomb. I should have a pine coffin two inches thick, and apart from clothes and cap nothing may accompany me, and on the bed lay only a seven-star board. As for wax crossbow teeth, jade pigs, tin figures and such, all must be omitted; grain jars and spirit goods are not to be prepared at all, and steles, epitaphs and banners are of course out of the question. Carry me on a soft-shell-turtle cart and lower me with earth around me, leaving the ground level with no mound. If you fear that when sweeping the tomb you will not know the plot, build a low wall to the left, right, front and back, and make a private mark. Do not set a pillow and table at the spirit mat, and on the first and fifteenth days and at the anniversary rites offer only white congee, clear water and dried jujubes, with no sacrifice of wine, meat, cakes or fruit. Refuse all offerings from relatives and friends who come to sacrifice. If you go against my wishes and add ritual beyond what was done for my late mother, you will lead your father into unfilial conduct; can you rest easy? Merit in Buddhist works should be done as far as your strength allows, but do not exhaust your livelihood so that you freeze and starve. Seasonal sacrifices are what Zhou and Confucius taught, to keep people from forgetting dead kin and from forgetting filial piety. Seeking it in Buddhist teachings is of no benefit, and killing living beings to do it only adds to guilt. If you wish to repay the boundless virtue and the sorrow of frost and dew, hold a vegetarian offering from time to time, and be loyal and trustworthy and do not disgrace your parents; this is what I hope of you. When Confucius buried (a rare character here, lost in transcription) his parents, he said that in antiquity people made graves without mounds, but he himself was a man of east, west, south and north and could not be without a marker, and so heaped up earth four feet high. So the gentleman, in answering to the age and practicing the Way, also at times has no grave to keep, let alone when forced by circumstances. Now I am a wanderer, my body like a floating cloud, and I truly do not know which district is my (a rare character here, lost in transcription) ground; just bury me once I stop breathing. You should make it your business to pass on the family work and make a name, and must not cling to decaying soil and thereby be buried in obscurity.