Yan Tie Lun (鹽鐵論) · Volume 25

大夫曰秦楚燕齊周之封國也三晉之君齊之田氏諸侯家臣也內守其國外伐不義地廣壤進故立號萬乗【去聲】而為諸侯宗周室修禮長【音掌】文然國翦弱不能自存東攝六國西畏於秦身以放遷宗廟絶祀頼先帝大惠紹興其後封嘉潁川號周子男君【古本作周子南君漢武紀曰元鼎四年十一月甲子立后土祠於汾隂脽上禮畢行幸滎陽還至洛陽詔曰祭地兾州瞻望河洛廵省豫州觀於周室邈而無祀詢問耆老乃得孽子嘉其封嘉為周子南君以奉周祀顔師古曰子南其封邑之號以為周後故總言周子南君也】秦既並天下東絶沛水並滅朝鮮南取陸梁北卻胡狄西畧氏羌立帝號朝【音潮】四夷舟車所通足跡所及靡不畢至非服其德畏其威也力多則人朝【音潮】力寡則朝【音潮】於人矣

The Grand Secretary said: Qin, Chu, Yan and Qi were enfeoffed states of Zhou; the rulers of the Three Jin and the Tian clan of Qi were house ministers of the feudal lords. Within they kept their states and outside they attacked the unrighteous, their land was broad and territory advanced, and so they set up the title of ten thousand chariots and became leaders of the feudal lords. The house of Zhou cultivated ritual and valued refinement, yet its state was cut down and weak and could not preserve itself, in the east it was overawed by the six states and in the west feared Qin, its ruler was banished and relocated, and its ancestral sacrifices were cut off. By the grace of the former emperor, its descendants were revived, and Jia was enfeoffed at Yingchuan and called the Lord of Zhou, a viscount or baron. [The old text has 'Lord of Zhou Zinan.' The Annals of Emperor Wu of Han say: in the eleventh month of the fourth year of Yuanding, on the day jiazi, he set up the temple to Earth on the Zhui of Fenyin, and after the ritual went on tour to Xingyang and returned to Luoyang. He issued an edict: in sacrificing to Earth in Jizhou I looked toward the Yellow River and Luo, and on touring Yuzhou I viewed the house of Zhou, distant and without sacrifice. He asked the elders and found the secondary descendant Jia, and enfeoffed Jia as Lord of Zhou Zinan to maintain the Zhou sacrifices. Yan Shigu said: Zinan is the name of his fief, taken as the successor of Zhou, so he was called in general the Lord of Zhou Zinan.] After Qin annexed the world, it cut off the Pei River in the east, destroyed Chaoxian, took Luliang in the south, pushed back the Hu and Di in the north, seized the Di and Qiang in the west, set up the imperial title and had the four barbarians come to court. Wherever boats and carriages passed and footprints reached, none failed to come, not because they submitted to its virtue but because they feared its might. When strength is great, others come to court; when strength is small, one goes to court others.

文學曰禹舜堯之佐也湯文夏商之臣也其所以從八極而朝【音潮】海內者非以陸梁之地兵革之威也【秦紀曰始皇三十三年發諸亡人贅壻賈人略取陸梁地為桂林司馬貞曰南方之人其性陸梁故曰陸梁晉灼曰走者陸梁而跳也】秦楚三晉號萬乗【去聲】不務積徳而負相侵搆兵爭強而卒俱亡雖以進壤廣地如食萴之充腸也【廣雅曰附子一嵗曰萴子二嵗烏喙三嵗附子四嵗烏頭五嵗天雄蘇秦為燕說齊王曰人之飢所以不食烏喙者以為雖偷充腹而與死同患也今燕雖弱小強秦之少壻也王利其十城而深與強秦為仇今使弱燕為鴈行而強秦制其後以招天下之精兵此食烏喙之類也】欲其安存何可得也夫【音扶】禮譲為國者若江海流彌乆不竭其本美也苟為無本若蒿火怒而無繼其亡可立而待戰國是也周徳衰然後列於諸侯至今不絶秦力盡而滅其族安得朝【音潮】人也【嚴安曰周有天下其治三百餘嵗成康其隆也刑措四十餘年而不用及其衰亦三百餘年故五伯更起伯者常佐天子興利除害誅暴禁邪匡正海內以尊天子五伯既沒聖賢莫續天子孤弱號令不行諸侯恣行強凌弱眾寡田常簒齊六卿分晉併為戰國此民之始苦也於是強國務攻弱國修守合從連衡車馳轂撃介冑生蟣蝨民無所告愬及至秦王蠶食天下併吞戰國稱號皇帝一海內之政意廣心逸欲威海外當是時秦禍北搆於胡南掛于越宿兵於無用之地進而不得退行十餘年丁男被甲丁女轉輸苦不聊生自經於道樹死者相望及秦皇帝崩天下大畔陳勝呉廣舉陳武臣張耳舉趙項梁舉呉田儋舉齊景駒舉郢周市舉魏韓廣舉燕窮山通谷豪士並進不可勝載秦貴為天子富有天下滅世絶祀窮兵之禍也】

The Literati said: Yu and Shun were aides of Yao, and Tang and Wen were ministers of Xia and Shang. The reason they could draw the eight extremes and have those within the seas come to court was not the land of Luliang or the might of armor and weapons. [The Annals of Qin says: in the thirty-third year the First Emperor sent fugitives, matrilocal sons-in-law and merchants to seize the land of Luliang and make it Guilin. Sima Zhen said: the southern people are by nature Luliang, so it is called Luliang. Jin Zhuo said: Luliang means those who run and leap about.] Qin, Chu and the Three Jin were called states of ten thousand chariots, but did not strive to accumulate virtue and encroached on each other, fought for strength, and all perished in the end. Though they advanced territory and broadened land, it was like eating aconite to fill the stomach. [The Guangya says: aconite, in its first year called wu zi, in its second wu hui, in its third fu zi, in its fourth wu tou, in its fifth tian xiong. Su Qin, speaking to the King of Qi for Yan, said: the reason a hungry man does not eat aconite is that even if it briefly fills his stomach it brings the same calamity as death. Now Yan, though weak and small, is the young son-in-law of strong Qin. If the King profits from its ten cities and deeply makes an enemy of strong Qin, now to make weak Yan a goose-line and have strong Qin control its rear, thereby summoning the elite troops of the world, is a case of eating aconite.] If one wishes to survive, how can one? The opening word: those who govern the state by ritual and yielding are like rivers and seas flowing, which last and do not run dry, because their root is good. If there is no root, they are like a blaze of mugwort fire, fierce but with nothing to follow, and their ruin can be awaited standing; the Warring States were like this. When the virtue of Zhou declined, it then took its place among the feudal lords and has not been cut off to this day; Qin used up its strength and its clan was destroyed, so how could it receive others at court? [Yan An said: Zhou held the world and its governance lasted more than three hundred years, with Cheng and Kang at its height, when punishments were set aside for more than forty years and not used; and its decline also lasted more than three hundred years, so the five hegemons arose in turn. The hegemons constantly assisted the Son of Heaven in bringing benefit and removing harm, executing the violent and prohibiting the wicked, setting right the land within the seas to honor the Son of Heaven. After the five hegemons were gone, no sage or worthy continued, the Son of Heaven was lonely and weak, orders were not carried out, the feudal lords acted as they pleased, the strong overran the weak, the many were cruel to the few, Tian Chang usurped Qi, the six ministers divided Jin, and all became the Warring States; this was the beginning of the people's suffering. Then strong states strove to attack and weak states worked to defend, vertical and horizontal alliances were made, carriages raced and hubs collided, armor and helmets bred lice, and the people had nowhere to appeal. When the King of Qin nibbled at the world and annexed the Warring States, he took the imperial title, unified government within the seas, his intentions grew broad and his heart indulgent, and he wished to overawe lands beyond the seas. At that time Qin's misfortune was built in the north with the Hu and hung in the south over Yue, with troops stationed on useless land, advancing without being able to retreat, for more than ten years; strong men wore armor, strong women hauled supplies, they suffered and could not live, hanged themselves from roadside trees, and the dead were in sight of one another. When the First Emperor of Qin died, the world rebelled greatly, with Chen Sheng and Wu Guang rising at Chen, Wu Chen and Zhang Er at Zhao, Xiang Liang at Wu, Tian Dan at Qi, Jing Ju at Ying, Zhou Shi at Wei, Han Guang at Yan, in every mountain and valley heroes rose together, too many to record. Qin, noble as the Son of Heaven and rich as the possessor of the world, destroyed his generation and cut off his sacrifices; this was the calamity of exhausting arms.]

大夫曰中國與邊境猶支體與腹心也夫【音扶】肌膚寒於外腹腸疾於內內外之相勞非相為助也唇亡則齒寒支體傷而心【音慘】怛故無手足則支體廢無邊境則內國害昔戎狄攻太王於邠逾岐梁而與秦界於涇渭東至晉之陸渾侵暴中國中國疾之【匈奴傳曰夏道衰而公劉失其稷官變於西戎邑於豳其後三百有餘嵗戎狄攻大王亶父亶父亡走於岐下豳人悉從亶父而邑焉作周至於幽王用寵姬褒姒之故與申侯有隙申侯怒而與犬戎共攻殺幽王於驪山之下遂取周之地滷獲而居於涇渭之間侵中國秦襄救周伐戎至岐周襄王時戎狄或居於陸渾東至於衞侵盜尤甚晉文公初立欲修霸業廼興師伐戎翟當是時秦晉為強國晉文公攘戎翟居於河西圜洛之間號曰赤翟白翟而秦穆公得由余西戎八國服諸戎各分散谿谷自有君長往往而聚者百有餘戎然莫能相一其後千有餘嵗至冐頓而匈奴最強大盡服從北夷而南與諸夏為敵國】今匈奴蠶食內侵逺者不離【去聲】其苦獨邊境防其敗詩云憂心慘慘念國之為虐不徵備則害不息故先帝興義兵以徵厥罪遂破祁連天山散其聚黨北略至龍城大圍匈奴單【音蟬】於失魂僅以身免乗奔逐北斬首捕虜十餘萬控之民旃【音氊】裘之長【音掌】莫不沮膽挫折逺遁遂乃振旅渾【古本作昆】耶【古本作邪】率其眾以降置五屬國以距胡則長城之內河山之外罕被冦【音菑】於是下詔令減【音檢】戍【音絮】漕寛繇【音遙】役初雖勞苦卒獲其慶【匈奴傳曰匈奴右賢王怨漢奪之河南地而築朔方數冦盜邊及入河南侵擾朔方殺畧吏民甚眾元狩二年春漢使大將軍衞青將六將軍十餘萬人出朔方髙闕右賢王以為漢兵不能至飲酒醉漢兵出塞六七百里夜圍右賢王右賢王大驚脫身逃走精騎往往隨後去漢將軍得右賢王人眾男女萬五千人禆小王十餘人其夏驃騎將軍霍去病復與合騎侯數萬騎出隴西北地二千里過居延攻祁連山得胡首虜三萬餘級禆小王以下十餘人衞青傳曰其秋單于怒昆邪王休屠王居西方為漢所殺虜數萬人欲召誅之昆邪休屠王恐謀降漢漢使驃騎將軍迎之昆邪王殺休屠王並將其眾降漢凡四萬餘人號十萬既至長安天子所以賞賜者數十鉅萬封昆邪王萬戶為漯隂侯封其禆王呼毒尼為下麾侯鷹庇為輝渠侯禽黎為河綦侯大當戸銅離為常樂侯漢已得昆邪則隴西北地河西益少胡冦於是天子嘉驃騎之功曰驃騎將軍去病率師攻匈奴西域昆邪王及厥眾萌鹹相犇率以軍糧接食並將控萬有餘人誅獟悍獲首虜八千餘級降異國之王三十二人戰士不離傷十萬之眾鹹懐集服仍與之勞爰及河塞庶防無患幸旣永綏矣以千七百戶益封驃騎將軍減隴西北地上郡戍卒之半以寛天下之繇】

The Grand Secretary said: The central states and the frontier are like the limbs and the heart and belly. The opening word: when the skin is cold outside, the belly and bowels are sick inside; the inside and outside suffer together and certainly help each other. When the lips are lost the teeth are cold, and when the limbs are injured the heart is pained. So without hands and feet the limbs are useless, and without frontier the inner state is harmed. Formerly the Rong and Di attacked Taiwang at Bin, passed Qi and Liang, bordered Qin at the Jing and Wei rivers, reached east to Luhun in Jin, and raided and ravaged the central states, which suffered from them. [The Xiongnu Biography says: when the Way of Xia declined, Gongliu lost his office as minister of grain and changed to the western Rong and settled the town at Bin. More than three hundred years later the Rong and Di attacked King Danfu, who fled to the foot of Mount Qi, and the people of Bin all followed Danfu and settled there, making Zhou. By the time of King You, because of his favorite Bao Si he had a rift with the Marquis of Shen, who was angry and joined the Quanrong to attack and kill King You below Mount Li, took Zhou's land, plundered and settled between the Jing and Wei rivers, and ravaged the central states. Duke Xiang of Qin rescued Zhou and attacked the Rong as far as Qi. In the time of King Xiang of Zhou the Rong and Di were partly at Luhun, reaching east to Wei, and raided especially fiercely. When Duke Wen of Jin first took the throne and wished to build hegemony, he raised troops against the Rong and Di. At that time Qin and Jin were strong states. Duke Wen of Jin drove off the Rong and Di, who lived between the western river and the Yin and Luo rivers, called the Red Di and White Di; and Duke Mu of Qin obtained You Yu, and eight states of the western Rong submitted. The various Rong were scattered in valleys, each with its own chief, often gathering in more than a hundred Rong groups, but none could unify them. A thousand years later, with Maodun, the Xiongnu became the strongest, submitted all the northern barbarians, and in the south became an enemy state of the Chinese states.] Now the Xiongnu nibble and invade within, and those far away do not escape their suffering, and only the frontier takes the brunt. The Book of Songs says: "My heart is grieved; I think of the state's cruelty." If one does not campaign and prepare, the raiding will not cease. So the former emperor raised righteous troops to punish their crimes, and then broke Qilian and Tianshan and scattered their bands, raided north to Longcheng and greatly surrounded the Xiongnu, the Chanyu lost his wits and barely escaped with his life. Pursuing the fleeing and the defeated, he beheaded and captured more than a hundred thousand, and the archers and the chiefs in felt robes all lost heart, were crushed and fled far away. Then he raised the army, Hunye led his people to surrender, five dependent states were set up to hold off the Hu, and within the Great Wall and beyond the rivers and mountains few suffered raids. Then an edict was issued to reduce garrison duty and grain transport and ease labor service. Though at first it was toilsome, in the end they obtained their reward. [The Xiongnu Biography says: the Xiongnu Wise King of the Right resented that Han took the land south of the river and built Shuofang, and several times raided the border, and entered south of the river to disturb Shuofang, killing and plundering many officials and people. In the spring of the second year of Yuanshou, Han sent Grand General Wei Qing with six generals and more than a hundred thousand men out of the Gaoque of Shuofang. The Wise King of the Right thought Han troops could not reach, and drank wine to drunkenness. Han troops went out six or seven hundred li beyond the pass and surrounded the Wise King of the Right at night. The Wise King of the Right was greatly alarmed, escaped and fled, with elite cavalry often following. The Han generals captured fifteen thousand men and women of the Wise King of the Right and more than ten lesser kings. That summer, General Huo Qubing again with the Marquis of Heqi led tens of thousands of cavalry out from Longxi and Beidi two thousand li, passed Juyan, attacked Mount Qilian, and obtained more than thirty thousand heads and captives, and more than ten lesser kings and below. The Biography of Wei Qing says: that autumn the Chanyu was angry that King Hunye and King Xiutu in the west had had tens of thousands killed or captured by Han, and wished to summon and execute them. Hunye and Xiutu feared and plotted to surrender to Han. Han sent the Agile Cavalry General to meet them. King Hunye killed King Xiutu and led his people to surrender to Han, in all over forty thousand, said to be a hundred thousand. When they reached Chang'an, the Son of Heaven's rewards amounted to tens of millions, and he enfeoffed King Hunye with ten thousand households as Marquis of Tayin, his lesser king Hudu Ni as Marquis of Xiahui, Yingbi as Marquis of Huiqu, Qinli as Marquis of Heqi, and the senior household chief Tongli as Marquis of Changle. After Han obtained Hunye, Longxi, Beidi and Hexi had fewer Hu raids. Then the Son of Heaven praised the Agile Cavalry's merit, saying: the Agile Cavalry General Qubing led his army to attack the Xiongnu and the Western Regions, King Hunye and his people all came leading each other, supplied with military grain, along with more than ten thousand archers; he killed the fierce and violent, captured more than eight thousand heads, received the surrender of thirty-two kings of foreign states, the warriors were not wounded, a hundred thousand all submitted, and he continued to console them, extending to the river and frontier, so there will hopefully be no trouble and there is peace forever. He added seventeen hundred households to the Agile Cavalry General's fief, and reduced by half the garrison troops of Longxi, Beidi and Shangjun to ease the world's labor service.]

文學曰周累世積徳天下莫不願以為君故不勞而王【去聲】恩施由近及逺而蠻貊自至【蕭綺曰武王資聖智而克伐觀天命以行誅不驅熊羆之師不勞三戰之旅一戎衣而定王業慿神力而協符瑞至於成王制禮崇樂姬徳方盛營洛邑而居九鼎寢刑廟堂萬國來賔雖大禹之隆夏績帝乙之興殷道未足方焉故能繼夏稷之先基紹公劉之聖徳文武之跡不墜故大稚稱為令徳播聲教於八荒之外流仁惠於九圍之表神智之所綏化遐邇之所來服靡不越嶽航海交賮於遼險之路瑰寳殊恠之物充於王庭靈禽異獸之類遊集林蘌詭麗殊用之物鐫斵異於人功方冊未之或載篆素或所不紀及乎王人風舉之使直指逾於日月之陲窮昬明之際覘風星以望路慿雲波而逺逝所謂道通幽微徳被冥昧者也】秦任戰勝以兼天下小海內而貪胡越之地使恬撃胡取河南以為新秦而亡其故秦築長城以守胡而亡其所守【王恢曰昔者秦穆公都雍郊地方三百里攻取西戎闢地千里並國十二隴西北地是也其後防恬為秦侵胡以河為境累石為城積木為寨匈奴不敢飲馬北河置烽燧然後敢牧馬應劭曰秦始皇遣防恬攘卻匈奴得其河南造陽之北千里地甚好於是築為城郭徙民充之名曰新秦四方錯雜奢儉不同今俗名新富貴者為新秦由是名也人間訓曰忠臣者務崇君之徳諂臣者務廣君之地】往者兵革亟動師旅數【音朔】起長城之北還【音旋】車遺鏃相望及李廣利等輕計還馬足莫不寒心雖得渾耶【古作昆邪】不能更所亡此非社稷之至計也【應劭曰更償也言所得不足以償其所失也李廣傳曰天漢二年秋貳師將軍李廣利將三萬騎撃匈奴右賢王於祈連天山而使陵將其射士歩兵五千人出居延北可千餘里欲以分匈奴兵毋令專走貳師也陵既至期還而單于以兵八萬圍撃陵軍陵軍五千人兵矢既盡士死者過半而所殺傷匈奴亦萬餘人且引且戰連鬪八日還未到居延百餘里匈奴遮狹絶道陵食乏而救兵不到虜急擊招降陵陵曰無面目報陛下遂降匈奴其兵盡沒餘亡散得歸漢者四百餘人】

The Learned Scholars said: For generations the Zhou accumulated virtue, so that there was no one in the world who did not wish to have them as ruler; this is why they became kings without toil [Pronunciation note: "wang" (王) is read in the departing tone], and why their kindness, spreading from near to far, drew even the Man and Mo barbarians to them on their own [Xiao Qi said: King Wu, endowed with sacred wisdom, conquered and attacked; observing the mandate of Heaven, he carried out the punishment. He did not drive forth armies of bears and grizzlies, nor trouble troops with three battles; with a single donning of armor he settled the royal enterprise, relying on divine power to accord with auspicious omens. When King Cheng instituted rites and honored music, the Ji house's virtue was at its height; he built Luoyi and installed the Nine Cauldrons there, punishments lay dormant in the ancestral court, and the myriad states came as guests. Even Yu the Great's lofty achievements for the Xia, or Di Yi's revival of the Yin way, were not enough to compare. This is how the Zhou could continue the earlier foundation of Hou Ji and carry on the sage virtue of Gong Liu, so that the traces of Wen and Wu did not fall; hence the Greater Odes praise it as 'excellent virtue.' Its voice and teaching spread beyond the eight wildernesses, its benevolence flowed past the nine regions; wherever divine wisdom brought peace and transformation, and far and near came to submit, none failed to cross mountains and sail seas, offering tribute along the distant and perilous roads. Rare jewels and strange things filled the royal court, spiritual birds and marvelous beasts roamed and gathered in the groves, and curious, splendid objects carved with a skill beyond human work were such as books had never recorded and seal-script or white silk had never noted. When royal envoys went forth like the wind, they pointed straight to beyond the rim of sun and moon, reached the limits of dusk and dawn, watched the winds and stars to find their road, and journeyed far upon clouds and waves; this is what is meant by 'the Way reaching the hidden and subtle, virtue covering the dim and obscure.']. Qin relied on victory in war to annex the world; it thought the lands within the seas small and coveted the territories of the Hu and Yue, sending Meng Tian (the base text has a rare character here, lost in transcription) to attack the Hu, seizing the south of the Yellow River as the "New Qin" while losing its old Qin, and building the Great Wall to guard against the Hu while losing what it was guarding [Wang Hui said: Formerly Duke Mu of Qin had his capital at the suburbs of Yong, with territory of three hundred li; he attacked and took the Western Rong, opened up a thousand li of land, and absorbed twelve states, namely Longxi and Beidi. Later Meng Tian (the base text reads "Fang Tian") invaded the Hu for Qin, made the Yellow River the border, piled stones into walls and stacked timber into stockades; only then did the Xiongnu not dare to water their horses at the northern river, and only after beacon towers were set up did they dare to graze their horses. Ying Shao said: The First Emperor of Qin sent Meng Tian to drive back the Xiongnu and took the land south of the river, a thousand li north of Zaoyang; the land was very good, so he built walls and cities there and moved people in to fill them, naming it New Qin. People from the four directions mixed there, and their extravagance and thrift differed; today the common name for the newly rich and noble is 'New Qin,' which comes from this. The chapter "Renjian xun" says: Loyal ministers strive to exalt their lord's virtue, flattering ministers strive to enlarge their lord's lands.]. In past years weapons and armor were constantly stirred up and armies repeatedly [Pronunciation note: "shuo" (數) is read "shuo" in the entering tone] raised, and north of the Great Wall, turned-back [Pronunciation note: "huan" (還) is read "xuan"] carts and discarded arrowheads lay in sight of one another. When Li Guangli and others rashly planned and then withdrew, the horses' hooves all chilled with fear, and even though they gained Hunye (anciently written "Kunxie") they could not make up for what they had lost. This was not the best plan for the state [Ying Shao said: "Geng" (更) means to repay, saying that what was gained was not enough to repay what was lost. The Biography of Li Guang says: In autumn of the second year of Tianhan, General Li Guangli, Er Shi, led thirty thousand cavalry against the Wise Prince of the Right of the Xiongnu at Qilian and Tianshan, and had Li Ling lead his five thousand archers and infantry out north of Juyan for some thousand li or more, wishing to divide the Xiongnu forces and keep them from turning on Er Shi alone. Ling reached the appointed time and turned back, but the Chanyu surrounded Ling's army with eighty thousand troops. Ling's five thousand men had used up their arrows, over half the soldiers had died, yet they had killed or wounded more than ten thousand Xiongnu. Fighting as they withdrew, they battled for eight days, and when they were still over a hundred li from Juyan, the Xiongnu blocked the narrow pass and cut the road. Ling's food ran short and no relief arrived, the enemy pressed hard and offered surrender. Ling said: 'I have no face to report to Your Majesty.' He then surrendered to the Xiongnu. His troops were wiped out, and only over four hundred who fled and scattered returned to Han.].

大夫曰齊桓公越燕伐山戎破孤竹殘令【音零】支【古本作離枝令離聲相近也】趙武靈王逾句注過代谷畧滅林胡樓煩燕襲【音集】走東胡闢【音闢】地千里度遼東而攻朝鮮【齊世家曰桓公二十三年山戎伐燕燕告急於齊齊桓公救燕遂伐山戎至於孤竹而還燕莊公遂送桓公入齊境桓公曰非天子諸侯相送不出境吾不可以無禮於燕於是分溝割燕君所至與燕命燕君復修召公之政納貢於周如成康之時諸侯聞之皆從齊齊語曰桓公遂北伐山戎刜令支斬孤竹而南歸海濵諸侯莫不來服趙世家曰武靈王二十年王略中山地至寜葭西略胡地至榆中林胡王獻馬歸使樓緩之秦仇液之韓王賁之楚富丁之魏趙爵之齊代相趙固主胡致其兵二十一年攻中山趙祒為右軍許鈞為左軍公子章為中軍王並將之牛翦將車騎趙希並將胡代趙與之陘合軍曲陽攻取丹丘華陽鴟之塞王軍取鄗石邑封龍東垣中山獻四邑和王許之罷兵二十三年攻中山二十六年復攻中山攘地北至燕代西至雲中九原惠文王二年主父行新北遂出代西遇樓煩王於西河而致其兵朝鮮傳曰朝鮮王滿者故燕人也自始全燕時嘗畧屬真番朝鮮為置吏築鄣塞】防公為秦擊走匈奴若鷙【音至】鳥之追群雀匈奴勢慴【音疊】不敢南面而望十餘年【慴懼也秦紀曰始皇三十三年防恬於西北斥遂匈奴單于不勝秦北徙盡收河南地並河以東屬之隂山因河為塞築長城因邊山險塹谿谷可繕者治之起臨洮至遼東萬餘里始皇又使防恬渡河取髙闕陶山北假中築亭鄣以逐戎人恬居上郡十餘年威振匈奴】及其後防公死而諸侯叛秦中國擾亂匈奴紛紛乃敢復為邊冦【匈奴傳曰匈奴單于曰頭曼頭曼不勝秦北徙十有餘年而防恬死諸侯叛秦中國擾亂諸秦所遣戍邊者皆復去於是匈奴得寛復稍度河南與中國界於故塞單于有太子名曰冐頓東襲擊東胡東胡初輕冐頓不為備及冐頓以兵至大破滅東胡王虜其民眾畜產既歸西擊走月氏南並樓煩白羊河南王悉復收秦所使防恬所奪匈奴地與漢關故河南塞至朝膚施遂侵燕代是時漢方與項羽相距中國罷於兵革以故冐頓得自強控之士三十餘萬匈奴最強大盡服從北夷而南與中夏為敵國】夫【音扶】以小國燕趙尚猶卻冦虜以廣地今以漢國之大士民之力非特齊桓之眾燕趙之師也然匈奴乆未服者群臣不併力上下未諧故也

The Grand Secretary said: Duke Huan of Qi crossed Yan to attack the Mountain Rong, broke Guzhu, and destroyed Lingzhi [Pronunciation note: "ling" (令) is read "ling" (零); an old text has "Lizhi," the sounds ling and li being close.]. King Wuling of Zhao crossed Juzhu and passed Daigu, and conquered and wiped out the Linhu and Loufan. Yan attacked [Pronunciation note: "xi" (襲) is read "ji"] and drove off the Donghu, opened up a thousand li of land, crossed Liaodong and attacked Joseon [The Hereditary House of Qi says: In the twenty-third year of Duke Huan, the Mountain Rong attacked Yan, and Yan reported the emergency to Qi. Duke Huan of Qi rescued Yan and went on to attack the Mountain Rong, reaching Guzhu before returning. Duke Zhuang of Yan then escorted Duke Huan into Qi territory. Duke Huan said: 'Unless one is the Son of Heaven, feudal lords do not escort one another beyond the border; I cannot be discourteous to Yan.' So he divided off the land up to where the Yan ruler had come and gave it to Yan, and ordered the Yan ruler to restore the governance of Duke Shao and pay tribute to Zhou as in the times of Kings Cheng and Kang. When the feudal lords heard of this, they all followed Qi. The Discourses of Qi says: Duke Huan then attacked the Mountain Rong in the north, cut down Lingzhi and slew Guzhu, and returned south, and none of the coastal lords failed to come and submit. The Hereditary House of Zhao says: In his twentieth year, King Wuling took the Zhongshan lands as far as Ningge, and in the west took Hu lands as far as Yuzhong, and the king of the Linhu presented horses. On his return he sent Lou Huan to Qin, Chou Ye to Han, Wang Ben to Chu, Fu Ding to Wei, and Zhao Jue to Qi, and the Chancellor of Dai, Zhao Gu, took charge of the Hu and brought in their troops. In the twenty-first year he attacked Zhongshan, with Zhao Zu as right army, Xu Jun as left army, and Prince Zhang as central army, the king commanding them all; Niu Jian led the chariots and cavalry, Zhao Xi commanded the Hu and Dai troops together, and Zhao joined forces with them at Jingqu and Quyang, attacking and taking the passes at Danqiu, Huayang, and Chi. The king's army took Hao, Shiyi, Fenglong, and Dongyuan; Zhongshan offered four towns to make peace, the king agreed, and the troops were stood down. In the twenty-third year he attacked Zhongshan, and in the twenty-sixth year attacked it again, pushing the land north to Yan and Dai and west to Yunzhong and Jiuyuan. In the second year of King Huiwen, the Lord-Father toured the new lands, went north out of Dai, and met the king of Loufan at Xihe and took his troops. The Account of Joseon says: Man, King of Joseon, was formerly a man of Yan. From the time of Yan's full strength it had once conquered Zhenfan and Joseon, appointed officials there and built forts and frontier barriers.]. Lord Meng (the base text reads "Lord Fang"), acting for Qin, struck and drove off the Xiongnu like a raptor [Pronunciation note: "zhi" (鷙) is read "zhi"] chasing a flock of sparrows; the Xiongnu's power was cowed [Pronunciation note: "zhe" (慴) is read "die"], and for over ten years they dared not face south and look this way ["Zhe" means fear. The Annals of Qin says: In the thirty-third year of the First Emperor, Meng Tian (the base text reads "Fang Tian") drove out the Xiongnu in the northwest; the Chanyu could not defeat Qin and moved north. He took all the land south of the river, joined the territory east of the river to Yinshan, used the river as a barrier, built the Great Wall, and along the frontier mountains, defiles, ravines and valleys repaired whatever could be repaired, running from Lintao to Liaodong for more than ten thousand li. The First Emperor again sent Meng Tian across the river to take Gaoque, Taoshan and Beijia, and he built posts and barriers to drive off the Rong. Tian stayed in Shangjun for over ten years, and his might shook the Xiongnu.]. But afterward, when Lord Meng (the base text reads "Lord Fang") died and the feudal lords rebelled against Qin, the Central Plain fell into turmoil and the Xiongnu were in disarray, and only then did they dare once more to raid the borders [The Account of the Xiongnu says: The Xiongnu Chanyu was called Touman. Touman could not defeat Qin and moved north; after more than ten years, Meng Tian (the base text reads "Fang Tian") died, the feudal lords rebelled against Qin, the Central Plain was in turmoil, and all the Qin garrison troops sent to the frontier left again; thereupon the Xiongnu were relieved, and gradually crossed south of the river again, bordering China at the old frontier. The Chanyu had a crown prince named Modun, who attacked the Donghu in the east. At first the Donghu despised Modun and made no preparation, but when Modun arrived with troops, he utterly destroyed the king of the Donghu and took his people and livestock. After returning, he drove off the Yuezhi in the west, and in the south annexed the Loufan and the Baiyang king south of the river, took back all the Xiongnu land Meng Tian had seized, and with the old frontier of Han on the south of the river, reached Zhaona (the base text has a rare character here, lost in transcription) and Fushi, and then invaded Yan and Dai. At this time Han was facing Xiang Yu, China was exhausted by war, and so Modun was able to strengthen himself, with over three hundred thousand bowmen. The Xiongnu were the strongest and greatest, submitted all the northern barbarians, and in the south stood as a rival state to the Central Xia.]. The opening "fu" [Pronunciation note: "fu" (夫) is read "fu"] is a particle: even small states like Yan and Zhao could still push back raiders and enlarge their land; now Han is a great state with the strength of its officers and people, and it is not merely the host of Duke Huan of Qi or the armies of Yan and Zhao, yet the Xiongnu have long not submitted, and this is because the ministers do not join their strength and those above and below are not in harmony.

文學曰古之用師非貪壤土之利救民之患也【銓言訓曰夫為地戰者不能成其王為身戰者不能立其功舉事以為人者眾助之舉事以自為者眾去之眾之所助雖弱必強眾之所去雖大必亡】民思之者若旱之望雨【孫卿曰仁者愛人愛人故惡人之害之也義者循理循理故惡人之亂之也彼兵者所以禁暴除害也非爭奪也故仁者之兵所存者神所過者化若時雨之降莫不說喜】簞食壺漿以迎王師故憂人之患者民一心而歸之湯武是也【兵略曰得道之兵車不發軔騎不被鞅鼓不振塵旗不解卷甲不離矢刃不嘗血朝不易位賈不去肆農不離野招義而責之大國必朝小國必下因民之慾乗民之力而為之去殘除賊也故同利相死同情相成同欲相助順道而動天下為向因民而慮天下為鬪】不愛民之死力盡而潰叛者秦王是也【兵略曰殺無罪之民而養無義之君害莫大焉殫天下之財而贍一人之慾禍莫深焉故至於攘天下害百姓肆一人之邪而長海內之禍此天之所以誅也民之所以仇也】孟子曰君不鄉【音向】道不由仁義而為之強戰雖克必亡此中國所以擾亂非防恬死而諸侯叛秦【律書曰秦二世宿軍無用之地連兵於邊陲力非弱也結怨匈奴絓禍於越勢非寡也及其威盡勢極閭巷之人為敵國咎生窮武之不知足甘得之心不息也】昔周室盛也越裳氏來獻百蠻致貢其後周衰諸侯力征蠻貊分散各有聚黨莫能相一是以燕趙能得意焉【匈奴傳曰諸戎分散谿谷自有君長往往而聚者百有餘戎然莫能相壹其後燕有賢將秦開為質於胡胡甚信之歸而襲破東胡東胡卻千餘里燕乃築長城自造陽至襄平置上谷漁陽右北平遼西遼東郡以距胡於是趙武靈王亦變俗胡服習騎射北破林胡樓煩自代並隂山下至髙闕為塞而置雲中鴈門代郡及李牧為將匈奴不敢近趙邊】其後匈奴稍強蠶食諸侯故破走月支氏因兵威徙小國引弓之民併為一家一意同力故難制也前君為先帝畫匈奴之冊【通作防】兵據西域奪之便勢之地以其變以漢之強攻於匈奴之眾若以強弩潰癰疽越之禽吳豈足道哉【王恢曰夫匈奴可以力服也不可以仁畜也今以中國之大萬倍之資遣百分之一以攻匈奴譬如以千石之弩射癰潰疽必不留行也】上以為然用君之義聽君之計雖越王之任種蠡【音禮】不過以搜粟都尉為御史大夫持政十有餘年未見種蠡【音禮】之功而見靡弊之効匈奴不為加俛【音免】而百姓黎民以敝矣是君之冊【通作防】不能弱匈奴而反衰中國也善為計者固若此乎【蔡邕曰夫邊陲之患手足之疥掻中國之困胷背之瘭疽也】

The Learned Scholars said: In ancient times, when rulers used armies, it was not out of greed for the profit of land, but to rescue the people from calamity [The chapter "Quanyan xun" says: Those who fight for land cannot complete their kingship; those who fight for themselves cannot establish their merit. When one acts for others, the multitude helps; when one acts for oneself, the multitude leaves. Those whom the multitude helps, though weak, will certainly grow strong; those whom the multitude abandons, though great, will certainly perish.]. The people longed for them as one longs for rain in a drought [Master Sun said: The benevolent love people, and because they love people they hate those who harm them; the righteous follow principle, and because they follow principle they hate those who disorder it. Their armies are used to put down violence and remove harm, not to contend and seize. So the army of the benevolent is divine in what it preserves and transforming in what it passes through, like seasonal rain falling, and none fails to rejoice.], bringing baskets of food and jars of drink to welcome the royal army. Thus those who shared the people's worries won their single-minded allegiance, as Tang and Wu did [The chapter "Bing lue" says: An army that has gained the Way does not set out its chariots, does not saddle its horses, does not raise dust with its drums, does not unfurl its banners, does not let armor leave the arrows, does not let blades taste blood; the court does not change its places, merchants do not leave their shops, farmers do not leave the fields. They call on righteousness and demand compliance, and large states will surely come to court and small ones will surely yield. Following the people's desires and drawing on the people's strength, they remove cruelty and eliminate bandits on their behalf. So those who share the same benefit die for one another, those who share the same feelings succeed together, those who share the same desires help each other. When one moves in accord with the Way, the world turns toward him; when one plans according to the people, the world fights for him.]. Those who did not care for the people's lives and whose forces were exhausted until they collapsed and rebelled were the likes of the King of Qin [The chapter "Bing lue" says: To kill innocent people in order to feed an unrighteous ruler is a harm without equal; to exhaust the world's wealth to satisfy one man's desires is a calamity without depth. So when one comes to seize the world and harm the hundred families, indulging one man's wickedness and prolonging the disaster within the seas, this is what Heaven punishes and the people hate.]. Mencius said: A ruler who does not turn [Pronunciation note: "xiang" (鄉) is read "xiang" (向)] toward the Way and does not follow benevolence and righteousness yet forces war will perish though he conquer. This is why the Central Plain fell into turmoil, and it was not because Meng Tian (the base text reads "Fang Tian") died that the feudal lords rebelled against Qin [The Treatise on Pitch-Pipes says: The Second Emperor of Qin kept armies encamped in useless lands and linked troops along the frontier; his strength was not weak. He made enemies of the Xiongnu and hung disaster on Yue; his power was not slight. But when his might was spent and his momentum exhausted, men of the village lanes became rival states. The fault arose from not knowing the limit of martial pursuit and from an insatiable heart for gain.]. In the past, when the Zhou house flourished, the Yuechang came to present tribute and the hundred barbarians sent offerings. Afterward, when Zhou declined and the feudal lords contended by force, the Man and Mo barbarians dispersed, each with its own band, and none could unite them, and for this reason Yan and Zhao were able to have their way [The Account of the Xiongnu says: The Rong tribes were scattered in the valleys, each with its own chieftain, and often gathered in over a hundred groups, yet none could unite them. Afterward Yan had a worthy general, Qin Kai, who was a hostage among the Hu, who trusted him greatly; he returned and attacked and broke the Donghu, who retreated over a thousand li. Yan then built a wall from Zaoyang to Xiangping and set up the commanderies of Shanggu, Yuyang, Youbeiping, Liaoxi and Liaodong to resist the Hu. Then King Wuling of Zhao also changed his customs, adopted Hu dress, and practiced riding and archery, broke the Linhu and Loufan in the north, made a frontier from Dai along the foot of Yinshan to Gaoque, and set up the commanderies of Yunzhong, Yanmen and Dai. When Li Mu was general, the Xiongnu did not dare approach the Zhao frontier.]. Later the Xiongnu gradually grew strong and nibbled away at the feudal lords; they thereby broke and drove off the Yuezhi, used their military might to move small states, and united the drawn-bow peoples into one family, with one mind and joint strength, and so they are hard to control. Earlier, you drew up the plan against the Xiongnu for the late emperor [Note: in the base text, under "ce" (冊) there is an original note saying "commonly written fang (防)"; "fang" is a corrupt form of "ce" (策)], by occupying the Western Regions with troops and seizing the advantageous ground so as to exploit their changes; with Han's strength attacking the Xiongnu multitude, it would be like bursting a boil with a strong crossbow, and Yue's capture of Wu would hardly be worth mentioning [Wang Hui said: The Xiongnu can be subdued by force but cannot be fostered by benevolence. Now with China's greatness and ten thousand times their resources, we send one hundredth of it to attack the Xiongnu, like shooting a thousand-stone crossbow at a swollen boil; it will surely pass without stopping.]. His Majesty thought so, adopted your reasoning and heeded your plan; even the way the King of Yue employed Zhong and Li (Pronunciation note: "li" (蠡) is read "li") was no better than this. You were moved from Grain-Collecting Commandant to Imperial Counselor and have held government for over ten years, yet we have seen no achievement like Zhong's and Li's, only the effects of exhaustion and ruin; the Xiongnu have not bowed [Pronunciation note: "mian" (俛) is read "mian"] their heads, while the common people have already been worn out. This is because your plan [same as above; the base text's note says "commonly written fang (防)" but it is in fact "ce" (策)] failed to weaken the Xiongnu and instead weakened China. Is this what it means to be good at planning [Cai Yong said: Trouble on the frontier is an itch on the hands and feet; the distress of the Central Plain is a malignant boil on the chest and back.]?

大夫曰往者匈奴據河山之險擅田牧之利民富兵強行入為冦則句注之內驚動而上郡以南鹹城文帝時虜入蕭關烽火通甘泉群臣懼不知所出乃請屯京師以備胡【匈奴傳曰孝文十四年匈奴單于十四萬騎入朝那蕭關殺北地都尉卬虜人民畜產甚多遂至彭陽使騎兵入燒回中宮騎至雍甘泉於是文帝以中尉周舍郎中令張武為將軍發車千乘十萬騎軍長安旁以備胡冦】胡西役大宛康居之屬南與群羌通先帝推讓斥奪廣饒之地建張掖以西隔絶羌胡分其援是以西域之國皆內拒匈奴斷其右臂曳【音異】劒而走故募【音慕】人田畜以廣用長城以南濵塞【音賽】之郡馬牛放縱蓄積布野未覩其計之所過也【匈奴傳曰元鼎三年漢東防貉朝鮮以為郡而西置酒泉郡以隔絶胡與羌通之路又西通月氏大夏以翁主妻烏孫王以分匈奴西方之援國乂北益廣田至胘雷為塞而匈奴終不敢以為言】夫【音扶】以弱越而遂意強吳才地計眾非鈞也主思臣謀其往必矣【韓非子曰越王入宦於吳而勸之伐齊以弊呉呉兵既勝齊人於艾陵張之於江濟強之於黃池故可制於五湖故曰將欲翕之必固張之將欲弱之必固強之兵略曰善戰者不在少善守者不在小勝在得威敗在失氣夫實則鬪虛則走盛則強衰則北吳王夫差地方二千里帶甲七十萬南與越戰棲之會稽北與齊戰破之艾陵西遇晉公擒之黃池此用民氣之實也其後驕溢縱慾拒諫喜諛憢悍遂過不可正喻大臣怨懟百姓不附越王選卒三千人擒之幹隧因制其虛也夫氣之有虛實也苦明之必晦也故勝兵者非常實也敗兵者非常虛也善者能實其民氣以待人之虛也不能者虛其民氣以待人之實也故虗實之氣兵之貴者也】

The Grand Secretary said: In the past the Xiongnu held the defensible mountains and rivers and monopolized the profit of field and pasture; their people were rich and their troops strong, and when they came in to raid, everything within Juzhu was alarmed and all south of Shangjun built walls. In the time of Emperor Wen, the raiders entered Xiao Pass and the beacon fires reached Ganquan; the ministers were afraid and did not know what to do, and only then did they request to station troops at the capital to guard against the Hu [The Account of the Xiongnu says: In the fourteenth year of Emperor Xiaowen, the Xiongnu Chanyu with a hundred and forty thousand cavalry entered Zhaona and Xiao Pass, killed Ang, the Commandant of Beidi, and captured a great many people and livestock, reaching Pengyang; he sent cavalry to burn the Huizhong Palace, and his scouts (the base text has a rare character here, lost in transcription; per the History of Han it should be "hou" scout) reached Yong and Ganquan. Thereupon Emperor Wen made Zhou She, Commandant of the Palace Guards, and Zhang Wu, Chamberlain of the Palace, generals, and sent out a thousand chariots and a hundred thousand cavalry to camp beside Chang'an in preparation against the Hu raiders.]. The Hu in the west controlled Dayuan, Kangju and the like, and in the south communicated with the various Qiang. The late emperor yielded and then pushed forward, seizing the broad and fertile lands and establishing Zhangye westward, cutting off the Qiang from the Hu and (the base text has a rare character here, lost in transcription) dividing their support. Because of this the states of the Western Regions all turned inward to resist the Xiongnu, cutting off their right arm so that they dragged [Pronunciation note: "ye" (曳) is read "yi"] their swords and fled. Therefore he recruited [Pronunciation note: "mu" (募) is read "mu"] people to farm and herd in order to broaden resources. South of the Great Wall, in the commanderies along the frontier [Pronunciation note: "sai" (塞) is read "sai"], horses and cattle roamed freely and stores lay spread across the fields, and we have not yet seen where the plan went wrong [The Account of the Xiongnu says: In the third year of Yuanding, Han in the east took (the base text reads "dong fang" and the next character is a rare one; per the History of Han it should read "took Huimo") Huimo and Joseon and made them commanderies, and in the west set up Jiuquan Commandery to cut the road by which the Hu and Qiang communicated; farther west it opened relations with the Yuezhi and Daxia, married a princess to the king of Wusun to divide the Xiongnu's western supporting states, and in the north extended the farmland to Xuanlei and built a frontier there, yet the Xiongnu never dared to speak of it.]. The opening "fu" [Pronunciation note: "fu" (夫) is read "fu"] is a particle: weak Yue was able to fulfill its will against strong Wu; measuring land and counting people, the two were not equal, but with a ruler who thought and ministers who planned, its venture was bound to succeed [Han Feizi said: The King of Yue entered Wu as a servant and urged it to attack Qi in order to wear Wu out; once the Wu army had beaten the men of Qi at Ailing, extended its reach to the Yangtze and Ji, and made itself strong at Huangchi, it could then be controlled at Five Lakes. So it is said: If you would draw something in, you must first stretch it out; if you would weaken something, you must first strengthen it. The chapter "Bing lue" says: One good at fighting does not depend on being few, one good at defending does not depend on being small; victory lies in gaining prestige, defeat in losing spirit. When full, they fight; when empty, they flee; when flourishing, they are strong; when declining, they are routed. King Fuchai of Wu had land of two thousand li and seven hundred thousand armored men; in the south he fought Yue and trapped it at Kuaiji, in the north he fought Qi and broke it at Ailing, in the west he met the Duke of Jin and captured him at Huangchi; this was using the full spirit of his people. Afterward he grew arrogant and overflowing, indulged his desires, rejected remonstrance and loved flattery; his fierceness went too far and could not be corrected, his great ministers resented him and the common people did not cling to him, and the King of Yue picked three thousand troops and captured him at Gansui, which was controlling him through his emptiness. Spirit has fullness and emptiness, just as brightness is bound to turn to dusk. So the army that wins is not always full, and the army that loses is not always empty. One who is good fills his people's spirit to await the other's emptiness; one who is not good empties his people's spirit to face the other's fullness. So the spirit of fullness and emptiness is what is valued in war.].

文學曰呉越廹於江海三川循環之處於五湖之間地相廹壤相次其勢易相禽【通作擒】也金鼓未聞旌旗未舒行【音杭】陳【音陣】未定兵以接矣師無輜【音之】重之費士無乏絶之勞此所謂食於防倉而戰於門郊者也【伍子胥曰夫吳之與越也仇讐敵戰之國也三江環之民無所移有吳則無越有越則無吳將不可改於是矣吾聞之陸人居陸水人居水夫上黨之國我攻而勝之吾不能居其地不能乗其車伕越國吾攻而勝之吾能居其地吾能乗其舟此利也不可失也已君必滅之失此利也雖悔之亦無及已】今匈奴牧於無窮之澤東西南北不可窮極雖輕車利馬不能得也況負重羸【音縲】兵以求之乎其勢不相及也茫茫乎若行九臯未知所止皓皓【古本浩浩】乎若無網羅而漁江海雖及之三軍罷【音疲】弊適遺之餌也故明王知其所無利以為役不可數【音朔】行而權不可乆張也故詔公卿大夫賢良文學所以復枉興微之路公卿宜思百姓之急匈奴之害縁聖主之心定安平之業今乃留心於末計雖本議不順上意未為盡於忠也

The Learned Scholars said: Wu and Yue were pressed by river and sea, with three rivers circling and lying among the Five Lakes; their lands pressed on one another and their territories were adjacent, so it was easy for them to seize one another ["qin" (禽) is commonly written "qin" (擒)]. Before the gongs and drums were heard, before the banners were unfurled, before the rows and ranks [Pronunciation notes: "hang" (行) is read "hang"; "chen" (陳) is read "zhen" (陣)] were set, the armies had already met. The armies bore no cost of baggage trains and the soldiers suffered no toil of shortage, which is what is called eating at Aocang (the base text reads "Fang Cang") and fighting at the gate and suburbs [Wu Zixu said: Wu and Yue are enemy states locked in feud. Three rivers surround them and the people have nowhere to move. If there is Wu there is no Yue, if there is Yue there is no Wu, and this cannot be changed. I have heard: land people dwell on land, water people dwell on water. If we attack and defeat a state like Shangdang, we cannot live on its land and cannot ride its chariots; if we attack and defeat the state of Yue, we can live on its land and can ride its boats. This advantage must not be lost. Your Lordship must destroy it. If you lose this advantage, regret will be of no avail.]. Now the Xiongnu graze in boundless marshes, whose east, west, south and north cannot be exhausted; even with light chariots and swift horses they cannot be caught, much less with heavy burdens and weak [Pronunciation note: "lei" (羸) is read "lei"] soldiers pursuing them. The circumstances do not allow us to reach them. It is vast, like walking through the nine marshes without knowing where to stop; it is boundless [an old text has "haohao" (浩浩)], like fishing the rivers and seas without a net. Even if we reached them, the three armies would be exhausted [Pronunciation note: "pi" (罷) is read "pi"] and worn out, and would only become bait left for them. Therefore the enlightened king knew there was no profit in it, and held that campaigns cannot be launched repeatedly [Pronunciation note: "shuo" (數) is read "shuo"] and that expediency cannot be stretched out long. This is why he summoned the ministers and grand secretaries, the worthy and the learned, to once again open the road to restoring what has declined. The ministers should think of the people's urgent need and the harm from the Xiongnu, follow the sage ruler's heart, and establish the work of peace and stability. Now to dwell on petty schemes, while one's basic proposals do not accord with the ruler's wishes, cannot be said to be the fullest loyalty either.

大夫曰初貳師不克宛而還也議者故使人主不遂忿則西域皆瓦解而附於胡胡得眾國而益強先帝絶竒聽行武威還襲【音集】宛宛舉國以降効其器物致其寳馬烏孫之屬駭膽請為臣妾匈奴失魄奔走遁逃雖未盡服逺處寒苦墝【音敲】埆【音殼】之地壯者死於祁【巨夷反】連天山其孤未復【漢武帝紀曰太初元年秋八月行幸安定遣貳師將軍李廣利發天下讁民西征大宛四年春貳師斬大宛王首獲汗血馬作西極天馬之歌匈奴傳曰漢既誅大宛威震外國天子意欲遂困胡乃下詔曰髙皇帝遺朕平城之憂髙後時單于書極悖逆昔齊襄公復九世之讎春秋大之是嵗太初四年也其明年漢使貳師將軍將三萬騎出酒泉撃右賢王於天山得首虜萬餘級而還顔師古曰天山即祁連山也匈奴謂天為祁連今鮮卑語尚然也】故群臣議以為匈奴困於漢兵折翅傷翼可遂擊服會先帝棄群臣以故匈奴不革譬如為山未成一簣而止度【音鐸】功業而無斷成之理是棄與胡而資強敵也輟防沮成為主計若斯亦未可謂盡忠也

The Grand Secretary said: When Er Shi General first failed to conquer Dayuan and withdrew, the critics deliberately wanted to keep the ruler from pursuing his anger, so that the Western Regions would all fall apart and attach themselves to the Hu, and the Hu, gaining many states, would grow stronger. The late emperor cut off strange counsel and exercised martial might, and attacked Dayuan again on the return [Pronunciation note: "xi" (襲) is read "ji"]; Dayuan surrendered with its whole country, presented its implements and brought its precious horses, Wusun and its like were terrified and begged to be subjects and servants, and the Xiongnu lost heart and fled and hid. Although they have not been fully subdued, in distant lands of cold hardship and barren, stony ground [Pronunciation notes: "qiao" (墝) is read "qiao"; "que" (埆) is read "que"], their strong men died at Qilian [Pronunciation note: "qi" (祁) is read "ju yi" as a fanqie] and Tianshan, and their orphans have not yet recovered [The Annals of Emperor Wu of Han says: In autumn, the eighth month of the first year of Taichu, the emperor traveled to Anding and sent General Li Guangli, Er Shi, to lead the exiled people of the realm on a western campaign against Dayuan. In the spring of the fourth year Er Shi cut off the head of the king of Dayuan, took the blood-sweating horses, and composed the song of the Heavenly Horses of the far west. The Account of the Xiongnu says: After Han had punished Dayuan, its might shook the foreign states, and the Son of Heaven wished to press on and wear down the Hu, and issued an edict saying: 'Emperor Gao left me the grievance of Pingcheng, and in the time of Empress Gao the Chanyu's letter was extremely insolent. Formerly Duke Xiang of Qi avenged a nine-generation grudge, and the Spring and Autumn Annals praised it.' This was the fourth year of Taichu. The next year Han sent General Er Shi with thirty thousand cavalry out of Jiuquan to strike the Wise Prince of the Right at Tianshan, and he returned with over ten thousand heads and captives. Yan Shigu said: Tianshan is Qilian Mountain. The Xiongnu call heaven "qilian," and the Xianbei language still does so today.]. Therefore the ministers argued that the Xiongnu were exhausted by Han troops, their wings broken and injured, and could be attacked and subdued at once. It happened that the late emperor abandoned his ministers, and so the Xiongnu were not reformed. It is like building a mountain: stopping one basketful short of completion. Measuring the merit of the undertaking, there is no reason to stop short of finishing it, and doing so would abandon it to the Hu and supply a strong enemy. To drop the whip (the base text reads "drop the fang") and obstruct success, planning for the ruler in this way, also cannot be called the fullest loyalty.

文學曰有司言外國之事議者皆激一時之權不慮其後張騫言大宛之天馬汗血安息之真玉大鳥縣官既聞如甘水焉【張騫傳曰張騫言大宛及大夏安息之屬皆大國多竒物土著頗與中國同俗而兵弱貴漢財物其北則大月氏康居之屬兵強可以賂遺設利朝也誠得而以義屬之則廣地萬里重九譯致殊俗威信徧於四海天子欣欣以騫言為然發使四出皆各行三千里初天子發書易曰神馬當從西北來得烏孫馬好名曰天馬及得宛汗血馬益壯更名烏孫馬曰西極馬宛馬曰天馬雲大宛諸國發使隨漢使來觀漢廣大以大鳥卵及犛靬人獻於漢天子大說而漢使窮河源其山多玉石採來天子案古閻書名河所出山曰崑崙山】乃大興師伐宛歴數期而後克之夫【音扶】萬里而攻人之國兵不戰而物故過半【顔師古曰物故謂死也言其同於物而故也或曰不欲斥言但云其所服用之物皆已故耳】雖破宛得寳馬非計也【劉向曰貳師將軍李廣利捐五萬之師靡億萬之費經四年之勞而厪獲駿馬三十匹雖斬宛王母寡之首猶不足以復其費也】當此之時將卒方赤面而事四夷師旅相望郡國併發黎人困苦奸偽萌生盜賊並起守尉不能禁城邑不能止然後遣上大夫衣繡衣以興擊之當此時百姓元元莫必其命故山東豪傑頗有異心【漢武紀曰天漢二年秋泰山琅邪群盜徐防等阻山攻城道路不通遣直指使者暴勝之等衣繡衣杖斧分部逐捕刺史郡守以下皆伏誅冬十一月詔關都尉曰今豪傑多逺交依東方群盜其謹察出入者酷吏傳曰自溫舒等以惡為治而吏民益輕犯法盜賊滋起大群至數千人小群以百數掠滷鄉里者不可勝數於是上始使御史中丞丞相長史使督之猶弗能禁乃使光祿大夫範昆諸部都尉及故九卿張徳等衣繡衣持節虎符以興擊斬首萬餘級及以法誅通行飲食坐相連郡甚者數十人數嵗乃頗得其渠率散卒失士復聚黨阻山川往往而群無可奈何於是作沈命法曰群盜起不發覺發覺而捕不滿品者二千石以下至小吏主者皆死其後小吏畏誅雖有盜不敢發恐不能得坐課累府府亦使不言故盜賊寖多上下相為慝以避文法焉】頼先帝聖靈斐然其咎皆在於欲畢匈奴而逺防【音機】也為主計若此可謂忠乎

The Learned Scholars said: The officials speak of foreign affairs, and those who discuss them all stir up the expedients of the moment and give no thought to what follows. Zhang Qian spoke of the heavenly horses of Dayuan that sweat blood and of the genuine jade and great birds of Anxi, and when the county office heard it, it was like sweet water. [The Biography of Zhang Qian says: Zhang Qian said that Dayuan, Daxia, Anxi, and the like were all great states with many rare things, whose settled peoples had customs much like those of the Central States but weak troops and who valued Han goods. To their north, the Greater Yuezhi, Kangju, and the like had strong troops and could be won over by gifts and offers of profit to come to court. If they were truly obtained and attached by righteousness, then land would be extended ten thousand li, nine layers of translation would be multiplied, strange customs would be brought, and authority and trust would spread across the four seas. The Son of Heaven was delighted and thought Qian's words right, and sent envoys in all directions, each going three thousand li. At first the Son of Heaven consulted the Book of Changes, which said: 'Divine horses will come from the northwest.' He obtained good Wusun horses and called them heavenly horses. When he obtained the blood-sweating horses of Dayuan, which were even stronger, he renamed the Wusun horses 'Western Extreme horses' and the Dayuan horses 'heavenly horses'. The states of Dayuan and others sent envoys following the Han envoys to see the vastness of the Han, and presented great bird eggs and the conjurers of Lixian to the Han, and the Son of Heaven was greatly pleased. The Han envoys also explored the source of the river, whose mountains had much jade and stone, and brought some back. The Son of Heaven examined old maps and documents and named the mountain from which the river issues Mount Kunlun.] Only then did he raise a great army to attack Yuan, and it took several years before it was conquered. The preface says: attacking another's state ten thousand li away, the army had lost more than half to death without fighting [Yan Shigu says: 'wuguang' means died; it speaks of becoming ghost things. Another view: not wishing to name it directly, one only says that all the things they wore and used had passed away]. Though they broke Yuan and got fine horses, it was not a good calculation. [Liu Xiang says: the General Ershi, Li Guangli, gave up an army of fifty thousand and wasted hundreds of millions in cost, and after four years of toil obtained only thirty fine horses. Though they cut off the head of the king of Yuan and his mother and widow, it was still not enough to recover the cost.] At that time, the generals and soldiers, red-faced, were busy with the four barbarians, armies stretched in sight of each other, the commanderies and states all sent men, the common people were in distress, deceit and falsehood sprouted, thieves and robbers rose together, the defense commanders could not stop them and the cities could not check them, and only then were senior grand officers in embroidered robes sent to attack them. At that time the common people were not sure of their lives, and so the heroes east of the mountains had considerable disloyalty. [The Annals of Emperor Wu of Han says: in the autumn of the second year of Tianhan, bands of robbers in Taishan and Langye led by Xu Bo (the received text has a corrupted character here) and others held the mountains and attacked cities, and the roads were blocked; special inspectors Bao Shengzhi and others in embroidered robes, with axes in hand, were sent in divisions to pursue and arrest them, and the regional inspectors and commandery governors and below were all executed. In the eleventh month of winter an edict to the commandants of the passes said: now many heroes have far-flung connections and depend on the robber bands in the east; carefully examine those who go in and out. The Biographies of Harsh Officials says: from the time of Wang Wenshu and others who governed by cruelty, officials and people more lightly broke the law, thieves and robbers grew, large bands reached several thousand and small bands numbered in hundreds, and those who plundered villages could not be counted. Then the emperor began sending the vice-censor and the chancellor's secretary to supervise them, but still could not stop them, and only then did he send the Grand Master of the Palace Fan Kun, commandants of the various regions, and the former Nine Minister Zhang De, in embroidered robes, holding tallies and tiger-tallies, to attack, cutting off over ten thousand heads, and executing by law dozens of the worst who had provided passage and food and were connected across commanderies. After several years they finally captured their leaders. The scattered soldiers who had fled gathered again in cliques and held mountains and rivers, forming bands here and there, and nothing could be done. Then the 'Law of Submerged Fate' was made, saying: when bands of robbers arose and were not discovered, or were discovered and the capture did not reach the quota, officials from the 2000-bushel rank down to the minor officials in charge were all to die. Afterward the minor officials feared execution, and though there were robbers they dared not report them, fearing they could not capture them and would be implicated in the prefecture's evaluation, and the prefecture also made them not report, so robbers gradually grew many, and high and low hid evil for each other to avoid the written law.] We relied on the resplendent sacred spirit of the former emperor. The fault lay entirely in wanting to finish off the Xiongnu and in distant ambitions [pronunciation note: the character is read 'ji'; the received text has a corrupted character here]. To plan for the ruler in such a way, can it be called loyal?

大夫曰諸生妄言議者令【平聲】可詳用無徒守椎【音槌】車之語滑稽而不可修【崔浩曰滑稽酒器也吐酒終日不已言出口成章詞不窮竭若滑稽之吐酒也姚察曰滑稽猶俳諧也滑讀如字稽音計也以言諧語滑利其智計疾出故云滑稽也司馬貞曰滑亂也稽同也以言辯捷之人言非若是言是若非能亂同異也】夫【音扶】漢之有匈奴譬若木之有蠧【音妬】如人有疾不治則寖【音浸】以深故謀臣以為擊奪以困極之諸生言以徳懷之此有其語而不可行也諸生上無以似三王下無以似近秦令【平聲】有司可舉而行當世安蒸庶而寜邊境者乎

The Grand Secretary said: You scholars speak recklessly. The discussants should use what can be detailed and used, and not simply cling to the talk of the cart with a mallet [pronunciation note: the character 'mallet' is read 'chui'], being glib and unfit for cultivating [Cui Hao says: 'huaji' is a wine vessel that spills wine all day without stopping, meaning words flowing out into composition with no exhaustion of phrase, like a huaji spilling wine. Yao Cha says: huaji is like jesting. 'Hua' is read as written, and 'ji' is read 'ji': it means joking words are smooth and the wit comes quickly, so it is called huaji. Sima Zhen says: 'hua' means disorder and 'ji' means same; it speaks of a quick debater who says wrong as if right and right as if wrong and can confuse same and different]. The preface says: the Han having the Xiongnu is like a tree having a borer [pronunciation note: the character is read 'du'], or like a person having an illness; if untreated it spreads [pronunciation note] deeper. So the strategists thought to strike and seize from them to exhaust them, but you scholars say to cherish them with virtue. This is something that has words but cannot be carried out. You scholars above cannot resemble the Three Kings and below cannot resemble recent Qin; is there anything the officials can raise and carry out that will, in the present age, settle the multitude and pacify the frontier?