Yan Tie Lun (鹽鐵論) · Volume 12

御史曰內郡人眾水泉薦草不能相澹【古贍字】地勢溫溼不宜牛馬民蹠【音只】耒而耕負擔而行勞罷【音疲】而寡功是以百姓貧苦而衣食不足老弱負輅於路而列卿大夫或乗牛車孝武皇帝平百越以為囿圃卻羌胡以為囿是以珍怪異物充於後宮騊【音陶】駼【音餘】駃【音決】騠【音蹄】實於外廐【騊駼馬類也生北海駃騠俊馬也生七日而超其母】匹夫莫不乗堅良而民間厭橘柚由此觀之邊郡之利亦饒矣而曰何福之有未通於計也

The Imperial Secretary said: The inner commanderies have many people, and water, springs and forage cannot supply them; the land is warm and damp and unsuited to cattle and horses, and the people tread the plow to farm and carry loads on foot, toiling and weary with little gain, so the people are poor and have not enough clothing and food, the old and weak pull carts on the roads, and ranking ministers and senior officials sometimes ride ox carts. Emperor Xiaowu pacified the hundred Yue as his garden and drove back the Qiang and Hu as his park, so rare and strange things fill the rear palace, and the horses Tao Tu, Jue and Ti fill the outer stables [Tao Tu are a kind of horse born by the northern sea; Jue and Ti are fine horses that surpass their dams at seven days old]. There is no commoner who does not ride a sturdy and fine horse, and the people are sated with tangerines and pomelos. From this it can be seen that the profit of the border commanderies is also abundant, yet you ask what blessing there is, which shows you have not understood the reckoning.

文學曰禹平水土定九州四方各以土地所生貢獻足以充宮室供人主之慾膏壤萬里山川之利足以富百姓不待蠻貊之地逺方之物而用足【五帝紀曰禹披九山通九澤決九河定九州各以其職來貢不失厥宜方五千裡至於荒服食貨志曰禹平洪水定九州制土田各因所生逺近賦入貢棐楙遷有無萬國作乂】徃者未伐胡越之時繇【音遙】賦省而民富足溫衣飽食藏新食陳布帛充用牛馬成群農夫以馬耕載而民莫不騎乗當此之時卻走馬以糞【老子德經曰天下有道卻走馬以糞韓非子曰凡馬之所以大用者外供甲兵而內給奢也今有道之君外希用甲兵而內禁奢上不事馬於戰鬪逐北而民不以馬逺滛力唯田疇積力于田疇必且糞灌故曰天下有道卻走馬以糞也許慎曰卻止也糞田也止馬不以走但以田行至德之效也或曰國君無道則天下多事戎馬生於郊原國君有道則天下無事止走馬以糞田也】其後師旅數【音朔】發戎馬不足牸【音字】牝入陣【牸牝牛也凡獸育子曰牸牝畜母也】故駒犢生於戰地六畜不育於家五穀不殖於野民不足於糟糠何橘柚之所厭傳【去聲】曰大軍之後累世不復【老子曰師之所處荊棘生焉大軍之後必有凶年】方今郡國田野有壟而不墾城郭有宇而不實邉郡何饒之有乎

The Literati said: When Yu leveled the waters and lands and fixed the nine provinces, each of the four quarters offered tribute from what its land produced, which was enough to fill the palaces and supply the ruler's desires; the fertile soil of ten thousand li and the benefits of mountains and rivers were enough to enrich the hundred clans, and there was no need for lands of the barbarians or things from distant places for there to be sufficient use. [The Records of the Grand Historian, Basic Annals of the Five Emperors, says: Yu opened the nine mountains, connected the nine marshes, dredged the nine rivers and fixed the nine provinces; each came with tribute according to its function, without losing what was suitable, over a square of five thousand li reaching to the wild outer zone. The Treatise on Food and Money says: Yu leveled the great flood and fixed the nine provinces, set the land and fields, and each by what it produced, near or far, paid tribute; they exchanged what they had for what they lacked, and the myriad states were well ordered.] In the past, before the campaigns against the Hu and Yue, corvee [the character 'yao' is glossed as pronounced 'yao'] and taxes were light and the people were rich and sufficient, warmly clothed and well fed, storing new grain and keeping old, with cloth and silk enough for use, cattle and horses in herds, and farmers plowing with horses and carrying loads, and among the people none did not ride. At that time, they retired the war horses to manure the fields. [The Laozi, Book of Virtue, says: When the world has the Way, galloping horses are retired to fertilize fields. Han Feizi says: The great uses of horses are to supply armor and weapons abroad and extravagance within (the source text has a rare character here that was lost in transcription). A ruler with the Way now uses few armor and weapons abroad and forbids extravagance within; above he does not use horses for fighting and pursuing the defeated, and the people do not use horses to waste their strength on distant travel, but only on farmland, and where strength is accumulated on farmland, manure and irrigation are sure to follow; so it is said that when the world has the Way, galloping horses are retired to fertilize fields. Xu Shen says: 'retire' means to stop, 'manure' refers to fields; the horses are stopped and do not run but are used only in the fields; this is the effect of utmost virtue. Another says: when the ruler lacks the Way, the world has many troubles and war horses are born in the suburbs and plains; when the ruler has the Way, the world is without trouble and galloping horses are stopped and used to manure the fields.] Afterwards armies were raised repeatedly [the character 'shuo' is glossed as pronounced 'shuo'], war horses were insufficient, and even mares and cows [the character 'zi' is glossed as pronounced 'zi'] entered the formations [a 'zi' is a female cow; among animals, one that bears young is called 'zi'; 'pin' is a female livestock]; so colts and calves were born on battlefields, the six domestic animals were not raised at home, the five grains were not planted in the fields, the people did not have enough even of dregs and husks, and what use would they have for oranges and pomelos? The tradition [here the word is read in the falling tone] says: After a great army, it does not recover for generations. [Laozi says: Where the army has camped, thorns grow; after a great army there must be a year of famine.] Now in the commanderies and states there are fields with ridges unplowed, and walled towns with houses unoccupied; what abundance is there in the border commanderies?

御史曰古者制田百歩為畆民井田而耕什而籍一義先公而後已民臣之職也【詩曰雨我公田遂及我私孟子曰方里而井井九百畆其中為公田八家皆私百畆同養公田公事畢然後敢治私事所以別野人也】先帝哀憐百姓之愁苦衣食不足制田二百四十歩而一畆率三十而稅一惰民不務田作飢寒及已固其理也其不耕而欲播不種而欲獲鹽鐵又何過乎

The Imperial Secretary said: In ancient times fields were set at a hundred paces to a mu, the people plowed by the well-field system and paid one in ten as tax, with the principle of putting the public before oneself, which is the duty of the people and ministers. [The Odes say: Rain on our public field, and then on our private ones. Mencius says: A square li makes a well, a well is nine hundred mu; the middle is the public field, and the eight families each privately hold a hundred mu and together tend the public field; only after the public work is done do they dare to attend to private affairs, which distinguishes the rustics.] The former emperor, pitying the hundred clans' sorrow and suffering and their insufficiency of clothing and food, set the mu at two hundred forty paces and took one thirtieth as the rate of tax. If lazy people do not attend to farming, hunger and cold will reach them, which is naturally the principle. If they do not plow yet wish to sow, do not plant yet wish to harvest, what fault is it of salt and iron?

文學曰什一而籍民之力也豐耗美惡與民共之民饉已不獨衍民衍已不獨饉故曰什一者天下之中正也田雖三十而以頃畆出稅樂歳粒米狼戾而寡取之凶年饑饉而必求足加之以口賦更繇【音遙】之役率一人之作中分其功農夫悉其所得或假貸而益之是以百姓疾耕力作而飢寒遂及已也築城者先厚其基而求其髙畜民者先厚其業而後求其澹【古贍字老子曰貴必以賤為本髙必以下為基泰族訓曰城有基木有根根深即本固基美則上寧不益其厚而張其廣者毀不廣其基而增其髙者覆潘氏曰髙以下為基民以食為天正其末者端其本善其後者慎其先夫九土之宜弗任四人之務不一野有菜蔬之色民靡代耕之秩無儲畜以虞災徒望歳以自必三季之衰皆此物也】論語曰百姓足君孰與不足乎

The Literati said: Taking one tenth is by the people's strength, and abundance and shortfall are shared with the people: if the people are in famine, one does not alone have surplus; if the people have surplus, one does not alone suffer famine. So it is said that one tenth is the just mean of the world. Although the field tax is a thirtieth, it is levied on the area by qing and mu: in good years grain lies scattered and little is taken from it, but in lean and famine years it must be collected in full, and on top of that come the poll tax and the service of corvee [the character 'yao' is glossed as pronounced 'yao'], so that on the whole the work of one man is split in half in its yield, and the farmer, having used up all he has, sometimes borrows to add to it; so the hundred clans work the fields hard and strenuously but hunger and cold still reach them. One who builds a city wall first thickens its foundation and then seeks height; one who nurtures the people first thickens their livelihood and only afterwards seeks their sufficiency [the source text has an old form of the character for 'sufficiency' here. Laozi says: The noble must have the humble as root, and the high must have the low as foundation. Huainanzi, 'Tai Zu Xun', says: A city has a foundation and a tree has roots; when the roots are deep the trunk is firm, and when the foundation is fine, what is above is at peace. One who does not increase the thickness but widens the width will be destroyed; one who does not widen the foundation but raises the height will topple. Pan said: The high takes the low as foundation, and for the people food is Heaven. One who sets right the branch sets right the root, and one who does well in the end is careful at the start. If the suitability of the nine kinds of land is not employed, the tasks of the four classes of people are not unified, the fields show the color of vegetables, the people have no rank by which to plow in turn, no storage to guard against disaster, and merely look to the harvest year to make sure; the decline of the last three eras came from this.]. The Analects says: When the hundred clans are sufficient, with whom can the ruler be insufficient?

御史曰古者諸侯爭強戰國並起甲兵不休民曠于田疇什一而借不違其職今賴陛下神靈甲兵不動乆矣然則民不齊出於南畆以口率被墾田而不足空倉廩而賑貧乏寖益日甚是以愈惰而仰利縣官也【食貨志曰商賈以幣之變多積貨逐利於是公卿言郡國頗被災害貧民無產業者募徙廣饒之地陛下損膳省用出禁錢以振元元寛貸而民不齊出南畆商賈滋眾貧者畜積無有皆仰縣官異時筭軺車賈人之緡錢皆有差請筭如故】為斯君者亦病矣反以身勞民民猶背恩棄義而逺流亡避匿上公之事民相仿效田地日蕪租賦不入抵扞縣官君雖欲足誰與之足乎

The Imperial Secretary said: In ancient times the feudal lords contested for power, the Warring States arose together, armor and weapons never rested, and the people left the fields empty, yet the one-tenth tax was levied without neglect of duty. Now, relying on Your Majesty's divine spirit, armor and weapons have not been moved for a long time, yet the people do not all turn out to the southern fields; by the head count, the cultivated land is not enough, granaries are emptied to relieve the poor and needy, and the situation worsens daily, so people grow lazier and look up to the county officials for gain. [The Han History, Treatise on Food and Money, says: Merchants, because of the changes in coinage, hoarded much goods and sought profit. So the ministers said: The commanderies and states have suffered many disasters, and poor people without property should be recruited to move to fertile places. Your Majesty reduced meals and economized on use, brought out reserve money to relieve the people, and gave generous loans, yet the people do not all turn out to the southern fields, merchants multiply, and the poor have no savings and all look up to the officials. In other times the carriage tax and merchants' string-money tax had grades; we request to levy them as before.] To be such a ruler is also to be troubled. Instead he toils the people with his own person, yet the people still turn their backs on kindness and abandon righteousness, flee far away, evade the duties owed to those above, and the people imitate one another; the fields grow overgrown by the day, the rents and taxes do not come in, and they resist the county officials. Though the ruler wished to be sufficient, with whom would he be sufficient?

文學曰樹木數【音朔】徙則【音委】蟲獸徙居則壊故代馬依北風飛鳥翔故巢莫不哀其生【原道訓曰今夫徙樹者失其隂陽之性則莫不枯槁故橘樹之江北則化而為枳鴝鵒不過濟貈渡汶而死形性不易勢居不可移也伍子胥曰胡馬望北風而立越燕向日而熈誰不愛其所近悲其所思者乎韓嬰曰詩云代馬依北風飛鳥棲故巢皆不忘本之謂也】由此觀之民非利避上公之事而樂流亡也徃者軍陣數【音朔】起用度不足以貲【音資】徵賦常取給見民田家又被其勞故不齊出於南畆也大抵逋流皆在大家吏正畏憚不敢督責刻急細民細民不堪流亡逺去中家為之色出後亡者為先亡者服事録民數創【音瘡】於惡吏故相去尤甚而就少愈多傳【去聲】曰政寛者民死之政急者父子離【韓嬰曰治國者譬若乎張琴然大急則小弦絶矣故急轡防者非千里之御也】是以田地日荒城郭空虛夫【音扶】牧民之道除其所疾適其所安安而不擾使而不勞是以百姓勸業而樂公賦若此則君無賑於民民無利於上上下交議而頌聲作故取而民不厭役而民不苦靈臺之詩非或使之民自為之若斯則君何不足之有乎【賈生曰文王志之所在意之所欲百姓不愛其死不憚其勞從之如集詩曰經始靈臺庻民攻之不日成之經始勿亟庶民子來文王有志為臺近規之民聞之者麏裹而至問業而作之日日以眾命其臺曰靈臺命其囿曰靈囿謂其沼曰靈沼愛敬之至也詩曰王在靈囿麀鹿攸伏麀鹿濯濯白鳥翯翯王在靈沼於仭魚躍文王之澤下被禽獸洽於魚鱉鹹若攸樂而況士民乎修文篇曰積恩為愛積愛為仁積仁為靈靈臺之所以為靈者積仁也神靈著天地之本而為萬物之始也是故文王始接民以仁而天下莫不仁焉文徳之至也】

The Literati said: Trees that are often transplanted wither [the character is glossed as pronounced 'wei'], and animals that move their dwellings come to harm. So the Dai horse leans on the north wind and flying birds wheel over their old nests; none do not grieve for the place they were born. [Huainanzi, 'Yuan Dao Xun', says: Now a tree that is transplanted loses its yin and yang nature and none do not wither. So an orange tree taken north of the Yangtze turns into a trifoliate orange, the mynah does not cross the Ji, and the badger dies on crossing the Wen: form and nature do not change, and the circumstances of dwelling cannot be moved. Wu Zixu said: The Hu horse stands facing the north wind and the Yue swallow faces the sun in joy; who does not love what is near and grieve for what he thinks of? Han Ying said: The Odes say 'The Dai horse leans on the north wind, flying birds roost in their old nests,' all of which refers to not forgetting one's origin.] From this we see that the people do not seek profit in avoiding the duties owed to those above and delight in fleeing. In the past, as armies were repeatedly raised [pronounced 'shuo'] and expenditures were insufficient, taxes were levied on assessed property [the character 'zi' is glossed as pronounced 'zi'], and supplies were always taken from the people present; farm families too suffered from the burden, so they did not all turn out to the southern fields. For the most part the fugitives and absconders are from the great families, and the officials and headmen fear them and do not dare to enforce; they press harshly on the small people, who cannot bear it and flee far away, the middle families bear the cost for them, and those who flee later serve for those who fled earlier. In the registers, the people were wounded [the character 'chuang' is glossed as pronounced 'chuang'] by evil officials, so the gap between them grows greater and from few to many. The tradition [read in the falling tone] says: When government is lenient the people die for it; when government is harsh, fathers and sons part. [Han Ying said: One who governs a state is like stringing a zither: if the large strings are tight, the small strings break. So one who pulls the reins and bit tight (the source text has a variant character here) is not a driver of a thousand li.] So the fields grow wasted daily and the walled towns are empty. [The opening word 'fu' is glossed as pronounced 'fu'.] The way of shepherding the people is to remove what pains them and fit what gives them peace, to give peace without disturbing, to employ without exhausting, so that the hundred clans are encouraged in their work and delight in public taxes. In this way the ruler has no need to relieve the people, and the people have no need to profit from those above; high and low deliberate together and songs of praise arise. So he takes and the people are not weary, he employs labor and the people do not suffer. The ode on the Numinous Terrace was not by anyone's command; the people did it themselves. If it is so, what insufficiency does the ruler have? [Jia Yi said: Where King Wen's will lay and where his intention was, the hundred clans did not spare their lives nor shrink from toil but followed him as if gathering. The Odes say: He began to measure the Numinous Terrace, and the common people worked on it; in no time it was done. He began without haste, and the common people came like sons. King Wen had the aim of building a terrace, and when he gave the plan nearby, the people who heard of it came wrapped in coarse clothes and asked what work there was and did it, with more people each day. He called the terrace the Numinous Terrace, called his park the Numinous Park and his pond the Numinous Pond, which is the utmost of love and respect. The Odes say: The king is in the Numinous Park, where does and stags lie, the does sleek and fat, the white birds gleaming. The king is at the Numinous Pond, how the fish leap in it. King Wen's kindness reached down to birds and beasts and moistened fish and turtles, all content in their delight, how much more the scholars and people? The chapter 'Xiu Wen' says: Accumulated kindness is love, accumulated love is humaneness, accumulated humaneness is numinosity. The reason the Numinous Terrace is numinous is the accumulation of humaneness. Spirit-like clarity is the root of heaven and earth and the beginning of the myriad things. So King Wen began to receive the people with humaneness and none in the world were not humane, which is the utmost of cultural virtue.]

御史曰古者十五入太學與【去聲】小役二十冠【去聲】而成人與【去聲】戎事五十以上血脈溢剛曰艾壯詩曰方叔元老克壯其猶故商師若荼周師若烏【荼苦茶也烏燕烏也白項而群飛者也鄒陽曰秦信左右而殺周用烏集而王】今陛下哀憐百姓寛力役之政二十三始賦五十六而免所以輔耆壯而息老艾也丁者治其田裡老者修其塘園儉力趨時無飢寒之患不治其家而訟縣官亦悖矣

The Imperial Secretary said: In ancient times at fifteen one entered the great school and took part [the word is read in the falling tone] in minor service; at twenty one was capped [read in the falling tone] and became an adult, and took part in military affairs; from fifty on the blood and pulse overflowed with vigor, called the aiguan strong age. The Odes say: The old man Fang Shu could still be strong in his planning. So the Shang army was like bitter tea and the Zhou army like crows. [Tu is a bitter herb, wu is the swallow-like crow with a white neck, flying in flocks. Zou Yang said: Qin trusted its attendants and perished, Zhou used the gathering of crows and became king.] Now Your Majesty pities the hundred clans and has relaxed the government of corvee: taxes begin at twenty-three and are exempted at fifty-six, so as to help the elderly strong and rest the aged. The young adults tend their fields and the old ones repair their ponds and gardens, so that with thrift and effort and following the seasons they have no worry of hunger or cold. To fail to manage their own households and yet bring suit against the county officials is also perverse.

文學曰十九年已下為殤【音傷】未成人也二十而冠【去聲】三十而娶可以從戎事五十已上曰艾老杖於鄉不從力役所以扶不足而息髙年也【曲禮曰人生十年曰幼學二十曰弱冠三十曰壯有室四十曰強而仕五十曰艾服官政七十曰老而傳八十九十曰耄七年曰悼悼與耄雖有罪不加刑百年曰期頥王制曰五十不從力政六十不與服戎七十不與賓客之事八十齊防之事弗及也】鄉飲酒之禮耆老異饌所以優耆耄而明養老也【鄉飲酒義曰鄉飲酒之禮六十者坐五十者立侍以聼政役所以明尊長也六十者三豆七十者四豆八十者五豆九十者六豆所以明養老也民知尊長養老而後乃能入孝弟民入孝弟出尊長養老而後成教成教而後國可安也君子之所謂孝者非家至而日見之也合諸鄉射教之鄉飲酒之禮而孝弟之行立矣】故老者非肉不飽非帛不暖非杖不行【王制曰五十異粻六十宿肉七十貳膳八十常珍九十飲食不離寢膳飲從於遊可也五十始衰六十非肉不飽七十非帛不暖八十非人不暖九十雖得人不暖矣五十杖於家六十杖於鄉七十杖於國八十杖於朝九十者天子欲有問焉則就其室以珍從】今五十已上至六十與子孫服挽輸並給徭【音遙】役非養老之意也古有大防者君三年不呼其門通其孝道遂其哀慼之心也君子之所重而自盡者其惟親之防乎【王制曰八十者一子不從政九十者其家不從政廢疾非人不養者一人不從政父母之防三年不從政齊衰大功之防三月不從政將徙於諸侯三月不從政自諸侯來徙家期不從政陳忠曰夫父母於子同氣異息一體而分三年乃免於懐抱先聖縁人情而著其節制服二十五月是以春秋臣有大防君三年不呼其門曾子曰吾聞諸夫子人未有自致者也必也親防乎】周公抱成王聼天下恩塞海內澤被四表矧惟南面含仁保德靡不得其所【春秋元命苞曰文王造之而未遂武王遂之而未成周公旦抱少主而成之故曰成王屍子曰昔者武王崩成王幼周公旦踐東宮履乗石假為天子十年蒙恬曰昔周成王初立未離襁褓周公旦負王以朝卒定天下越絶書曰周公以盛德武王封周公使傅相成王成王少周公臣事之當是之時賞賜不加於無功刑罰不加於無罪天下家給人足米麥茂美使人以時說之以禮上順天地澤及夷狄君道篇曰周公踐天子之位佈德施恵逺而逾明十三牧方三人出舉逺方之民有飢寒而不得衣食者有獄訟而失職者有賢才而不舉者以入告乎天子天子於其君之朝也揖而進之曰意朕之政教有不得者歟何其所臨之民有飢寒不得衣食者有獄訟而失職者有賢才而不舉者也其君歸也乃召其國大夫告周天子之言百姓聞之皆喜曰此誠天子也何居之深逺而見我之明也豈可欺哉故牧者所以闢四門明四目逹四聰也是以近者親之逺者安之詩曰柔逺能邇以定我王此之謂矣】詩云夙夜基命宥宻陛下富於春秋委任大臣公卿輔政政教未均故庶人議也御史黙不答也

The Literati said: Those nineteen years and under are called shang, not yet adults. At twenty one is capped [read in the falling tone], at thirty one marries, and one may take part in military affairs. From fifty on one is called an aged man, uses a staff in the district, and does not take part in corvee, in order to support those who are lacking and give rest to the elderly. [The Quli says: At ten a person is called a child and begins study; at twenty, called weak and capped; at thirty, called strong and has a household; at forty, called firm and takes office; at fifty, called aiguan and holds office in government; at seventy, called old and hands things over; at eighty and ninety, called senile; at seven, called a mourning child; mourning children and the senile, though guilty, are not punished; at a hundred, called a person who expects to be fed. The Royal Regulations say: At fifty one does not take part in corvee government; at sixty one does not take part in military service; at seventy one does not take part in guest affairs; at eighty fasting and mourning (the source text reads as damaged) are not demanded.] In the rite of the district drinking, the elders have different dishes, to favor the aged and make plain the care of the old. [The Meaning of the District Drinking says: In the rite of the district drinking, those of sixty are seated and those of fifty stand in attendance to listen to government service, to make plain honoring of elders. Those of sixty have three dishes, those of seventy four, those of eighty five, and those of ninety six, to make plain the care of the old. When the people know to honor elders and care for the old, they can then enter into filial piety and brotherly respect; when the people enter into filial piety and brotherly respect and go out honoring elders and caring for the old, teaching is completed; with teaching completed, the state can be at peace. What the noble person calls filial piety is not going to every house and seeing it daily; it is established in the district archery and the teaching of the district drinking rite, and the conduct of filial piety and brotherly respect is set up.] So the old are not full without meat, not warm without silk, and cannot walk without a staff. [The Royal Regulations say: At fifty the grain is different; at sixty meat is kept in store; at seventy there is a second dish; at eighty delicacies are always provided; at ninety food and drink do not leave the bedchamber, and he may be accompanied by food and drink when he goes out. At fifty one begins to decline, at sixty one is not full without meat, at seventy one is not warm without silk, at eighty one is not warm without a person, at ninety one is not warm even with a person. At fifty one uses a staff at home, at sixty in the district, at seventy in the state, at eighty at court; if the Son of Heaven wishes to ask something of one at ninety, he goes to his chamber with delicacies.] Now those from fifty to sixty are made, along with their sons and grandsons, to pull carts, transport goods and also supply corvee [the character is glossed as pronounced 'yao'] service, which is not the meaning of caring for the old. In ancient times, when there was a great mourning (the source text reads as damaged here), the ruler did not call on that household for three years, to let him complete the way of filial piety and fulfil the mind of mourning. What the noble person regards as weighty and fulfils himself is surely mourning for his parents? [The Royal Regulations say: Of those at eighty, one son does not take part in government service; of those at ninety, the whole family does not; if one is disabled and no one else supports him, one person does not; in mourning for parents, one does not take part in government service for three years; in mourning of the second or third degree, for three months; if about to move to a feudal lord's land, for three months; if moved from a feudal lord's land, for a year. Chen Zhong said: Parents toward their children have the same breath in different bodies, one body divided, and for three years the child is not freed from the arms. The former sages followed human feeling and set its measure, fixing mourning at twenty-five months. So in the Annals: when a minister has a great mourning (the source text reads as damaged here), the ruler does not call on his household for three years. Zengzi said: I heard from the Master, people never fully express themselves, except probably in mourning for parents.] The Duke of Zhou held King Cheng in his arms and heard the world's affairs; his kindness filled the seas and his blessings covered the four outer realms; how much more one who faces south, holds humaneness and preserves virtue, with none not finding their place. [The Spring and Autumn Annals, Yuan Ming Bao, says: King Wen made it but did not complete it, King Wu completed it but did not finish it, and the Duke of Zhou Dan, holding the young lord in his arms, finished it, so he was called Cheng, 'completed'. Shizi says: Formerly when King Wu died, King Cheng was young, and the Duke of Zhou Dan took the eastern palace and stepped on the stone, acting as Son of Heaven for ten years. Meng Tian said: Formerly when King Cheng of Zhou first came to the throne, he had not left the swaddling clothes, and the Duke of Zhou Dan carried the king to court, and in the end settled the world. The Yue Jue Shu says: The Duke of Zhou, with abundant virtue, was enfeoffed by King Wu as tutor to assist King Cheng. King Cheng was young, and the Duke of Zhou served him as a minister. At that time, rewards were not given to the undeserving and punishments were not applied to the innocent, the world was sufficient in households and persons, rice and wheat flourished, people were employed in season and persuaded with ritual, above he accorded with Heaven and Earth and his kindness reached the barbarians. The chapter 'Jun Dao' says: The Duke of Zhou took the Son of Heaven's seat, spread virtue and bestowed kindness, and the farther it went the brighter it became. Three of the thirteen regional chiefs went out, raising to the Son of Heaven reports of distant people who were hungry and cold and could not get clothing and food, of those who lost their post because of lawsuits, of those who were talented and worthy and not recommended. The Son of Heaven in the court of their ruler would bow and bring them forward, saying: I wonder, is there something in my government and teaching not right? Why do the people in your jurisdiction include hungry and cold people who cannot get clothing and food, those who lost their post through lawsuits, and those who are worthy and not recommended? When their ruler returned, he summoned the grand masters of his state and told them the words of the Zhou Son of Heaven. The hundred clans heard it and all rejoiced, saying: This is truly the Son of Heaven; how deeply his dwelling reaches and how clear his sight is of us; who could deceive him? So the shepherds open the four gates, brighten the four eyes and open the four ears. Therefore the near are close to him and the far are at peace. The Odes say: Soothe the far and be able to the near, to settle our king. This is what it means.] The Odes say: Day and night, lay the foundation of the mandate with quiet care. Your Majesty is young and delegates to great ministers; the dukes and ministers assist in government, and government and teaching are not yet even, so the commoners discuss. The Imperial Secretary was silent and did not answer.

大夫曰王者包含並覆普愛無私不為近重施不為逺遺恩今俱是民也俱是臣也安危勞佚不齊獨不當調耶不念彼而獨計此斯亦好議矣緣邉之民處寒苦之地距【通作拒】強胡之難【去聲】烽燧一動有沒身之累故邉民百戰而中國恬臥者以邊郡為蔽扞也詩云莫非王事而我獨勞刺不均也是以聖王懐四方獨苦興師推卻胡越逺冦國安災散中國肥饒之餘以調邊境邊境強則中國安中國安則晏然無事何求而不得也

The Grand Master said: A king embraces and covers all, loving universally without selfishness, does not give heavily to the near nor leave out kindness to the far. Now they are all the people and all ministers, yet safety and danger, toil and ease are not equal; is it not right to adjust them? To think not of those and only of these is also a good topic for debate. The people of the border dwell in a land of cold and hardship and resist the danger [read in the falling tone] of the strong Hu; when a beacon fire moves, there is the burden of sinking one's person. So the border people fight a hundred battles while the Middle Kingdom lies at ease, because the border commanderies serve as shield and guard. The Odes say: Nothing is not the king's business, yet I alone toil. This is a satire on unfairness. Therefore the sage kings, cherishing that the four quarters alone suffer, raised armies and pushed back the Hu and Yue; when distant raiders are removed the state is at peace and calamity disperses, and they used the surplus of the fertile Middle Kingdom to balance the border regions. When the borders are strong the Middle Kingdom is at peace, and when the Middle Kingdom is at peace it lies calm with no trouble; what is sought that is not gained?

文學曰古者天子之立於天下之中縣內方不過千里諸侯列國不及不食之地禹貢至於五千里民各供其君諸侯各保其國是以百姓均調而繇【音遙】役不勞也今推胡越數千裡道路廻逺士卒勞罷【音疲】故邉民有刎頸之禍而中國有死亡之患此百姓所以囂囂而不黙也【囂囂喧也又眾多貎詩云防口囂囂】夫【音扶】治國之道由中及外自近者始近者親附然後來逺百姓內足然後防外故群臣論或欲田輪臺明主不許以為先救近務及時本業也故下詔曰當今之務在於禁苛暴止擅賦力本農公卿宜承意請減除不任以佐百姓之急今中國弊落不憂務在邉境意者地廣而不耕多種而不耨費力而無功【漢紀曰徵和四年捜粟都尉桑羊與御史大夫奏言故輪臺以東皆故國處有灌溉田其旁小國少錐刀貴黃鐵綿繒可以易谷臣愚以為可遣屯田詣輪臺置校尉二人通利溝渠田一歳有積穀募民敢徙者詣田所就畜積為產業稍稍築亭連城而西以威西國輔烏孫為便事上上乃下詔深陳既往之悔曰前有司則欲益民賦以助邉用是困老弱孤獨也今又請田輪臺曩者朕之不明興師逺攻遣貳師將軍古者出師卿大夫與謀參以蓍不吉不行乃者遍召群臣又筮之卦得大過爻在九五曰匈奴困敗方士占星氣太卜蓍皆為吉匈奴必破時不可失卜諸將貳師最吉朕親發貳師詔之必無深入今計謀卦兆皆反謬貳師軍敗士卒離散略盡悲痛常在朕心今有司請逺田輪臺欲起亭燧是唯益擾天下非所以憂民也朕不忍聞當今務在禁苛暴止擅賦務本勸農無乏武備而已由是不復出軍封丞相為富民侯而勸耕農自是田多墾闢而兵革休息善謀篇曰孝武皇帝自將師伏兵於馬邑誘致單于單于既入塞道覺之奔走而去其後交兵接刄結怨連禍相攻撃十年兵凋民勞百姓空虗道殣相望槥車相屬冦盜滿山天下搖動孝武皇帝后悔之御史大夫桑羊請佃輪臺詔卻曰當今之務務在禁暴止擅賦今乃逺西佃非所以慰民也朕不忍聞封丞相號曰富民侯遂不復言兵事國家以寧繼嗣以定從韓安國之本謀也】詩云無田甫田維莠驕驕其斯之謂歟

The Literati said: In ancient times the Son of Heaven stood in the middle of the world, the inner domain was no more than a thousand li square, the feudal states were arrayed and did not reach the lands that did not provide food, and the Tribute of Yu reaches five thousand li. The people each supplied their own ruler, the feudal lords each protected their own state, so the hundred clans were evenly balanced and corvee [the character is glossed as pronounced 'yao'] did not weary them. Now pushing the Hu and Yue back several thousand li, the roads are long and winding, and the soldiers are toiled and exhausted [the character 'ba' is glossed as pronounced 'pi']; so the border people suffer the calamity of cut necks and the Middle Kingdom suffers the trouble of death and loss, and this is why the hundred clans clamor and do not keep silent. [The word for clamor is for noise, and also describes a multitude. The Odes say: Slanderous (the source text reads as damaged) mouths are clamoring.] [The opening word 'fu' is glossed as pronounced 'fu'.] The way of governing a state goes from the center outward, beginning with what is near. When the near are close and attached, the far come; when the hundred clans are sufficient within, then one can guard outside. So when ministers discussed whether to farm at Luntai, the enlightened ruler did not allow it, thinking to first rescue the near tasks and attend to the basic occupation at the right time. So he issued an edict saying: The task of the present lies in forbidding harshness and violence, stopping arbitrary taxation, and strengthening the basic work of farming. The dukes and ministers should receive this intent and request to reduce and remove what is not suitable, to help the urgent needs of the hundred clans. Now the wearing down of the Middle Kingdom is not worried over, and the task is set on the border; I suppose the land is wide but not plowed, much is planted but not weeded, and effort is spent without result. [The Han Annals says: In the fourth year of Zhenghe, Sang Hongyang (the source text has a rare character lost in transcription), commandant for grain collection, and the Imperial Secretary memorialized: Formerly east of Luntai were all old states, with irrigated fields; the small states nearby lack awls and knives, and prize yellow iron, cotton and silk, which can be exchanged for grain. We humbly think that colony troops can be sent to Luntai, two commandants set up, the canals and ditches opened, so that within a year the fields will have accumulated grain, and those among the people who dare to move there will be recruited to the field area and take up stores as livelihood, gradually building posts and linking cities westward, which would be convenient for awing the western states and assisting the Wusun. When the memorial was submitted, the emperor issued an edict deeply expressing regret for the past, saying: Earlier the officials wished to increase the people's taxes to help the border expenses, which would trouble the old, weak, orphaned and solitary; now they again request to farm at Luntai. In the past, when I was not enlightened, I raised armies for distant campaigns and sent the General of Ershi. In ancient times when armies set out, the ministers and grand masters took part in the plans, consulted with milfoil and tortoise (the source text has a rare character lost in transcription), and if not auspicious did not proceed. Recently I summoned all the ministers and divined again, and the hexagram obtained was Great Excess, with the line at nine in the fifth place, saying that the Xiongnu would be in distress and defeated. The diviners observing star-energy and the Grand Diviner with milfoil and tortoise all said it was auspicious, that the Xiongnu would surely be broken and the moment could not be lost. We divined for the generals, and the General of Ershi was most auspicious. I personally dispatched the General of Ershi, and ordered him not to go deep in. Now the plans and the divination signs are all contrary and mistaken, the army of Ershi was defeated, the soldiers were scattered and almost lost, and grief and pain are always in my heart. Now the officials request to farm far away at Luntai and want to raise posts and beacons, which would only add to the disturbance of the world and is not a way to care for the people; I cannot bear to hear of it. The task of the present is to forbid harshness and violence, stop arbitrary taxation, concentrate on the root and encourage farming, and not lack military preparedness, and that is all. From then on armies were no longer sent out, and the chancellor was enfeoffed as Marquis of Enriching the People to encourage farming. From this time many fields were opened and the weapons of war rested. The chapter 'Shan Mou' says: Emperor Xiaowu led the army himself and hid troops at Mayi to lure the Chanyu; the Chanyu, having entered the pass, sensed it on the road and ran away. Afterwards they crossed swords and bound resentment and disaster, attacking each other for ten years, soldiers dwindled and the people toiled, the hundred clans were emptied, corpses lay by the road in sight of each other, light coffin carts followed in a line, bandits filled the mountains, and the world was shaken. Emperor Xiaowu regretted it later. When the Imperial Secretary Sang Hongyang requested to farm at Luntai, the edict refused it, saying: The task of the present is to forbid violence and stop arbitrary taxation; now to farm far in the west is not a way to comfort the people, and I cannot bear to hear of it. He enfeoffed the chancellor with the title Marquis of Enriching the People, and from then on no longer spoke of military affairs. The state was thereby at peace and the succession was settled, following the original plan of Han Anguo.] The Odes say: Do not plow the great fields, only the weeds grow rank. Does this not refer to this?

大夫曰湯武之伐非好【去聲】用兵也【越絶書曰殷湯遭夏桀無道殘賊天下於是湯用伊尹行至聖之心見桀無道虐行故伐夏放桀而王道興躍革亂補移風易俗改制作新海內畢貢天下承風湯以文聖此之謂也文王死九年天下八百諸侯皆一旦防於孟津之上不言同辭不呼自來盡知武王忠信欲從武王與之伐紂當是時比干箕子防子尚在武王賢之未敢伐也還諸侯歸二年紂賊比干囚箕子防子去之刳姙婦殘朝渉武王見賢臣已亡乃朝天下興師伐紂殺之武王未下車封比干之墓發太倉之粟以贍天下封防子於宋此武王以禮信也】周宣王闢【音闢】國千里非貪侵也【詩序曰厲王暴虐周人逐之玁狁內侵逼近京邑宣王承其難命尹吉甫伐之有功而歸嚴尤曰當週宣王時玁狁內侵命將徵之盡境而還其視匈奴之侵譬猶蟁蝱之螫驅之而已故天下稱明】所以除冦賊而安百姓也故無功之師君子不行無用之地聖王不貪先帝舉湯武之師定三垂之難【去聲】一面而制敵匈奴遁逃因河山以為防故去沙石鹹【音鹹】滷【音魯】不食之地故割什【音鬥】闢【音僻】之縣棄造陽之地以與胡省曲塞【音賽】據河險守要害以寛繇【音遙】役保士民【匈奴傳曰漢遂取河南地築朔方復繕故秦時蒙恬所為塞因河為固漢亦棄上谷之什闢縣造陽地以與胡是歳漢之元朔二年也孟康曰縣鬥闢曲近胡顔師古曰鬥絶也縣之鬥曲入匈奴界者其中造陽地也】由此觀之聖主用心非務廣地以勞眾而已矣

The Grand Master said: The campaigns of Tang and Wu were not out of a fondness [read in the falling tone] for using arms. [The Yue Jue Shu says: When Tang of Yin met Jie of Xia, who lacked the Way and ravaged the world, Tang employed Yi Yin and acted with a supremely sagely heart; seeing Jie's lawlessness and cruelty, he attacked Xia and banished Jie, so the kingly way arose, corrected disorder and repaired abuses (the source text has a rare character lost in transcription), changed customs, altered the system and made things new, and all within the seas sent tribute and the world followed his influence. Tang is called civil and sage; this is what is meant. Nine years after King Wen died, the eight hundred feudal lords of the world all at once met at Mengjin, without agreeing on a word or calling one another, coming of themselves, all knowing King Wu's loyalty and trustworthiness and wishing to follow King Wu to attack Zhou. At that time Bigan, Jizi and Weizi (the source text reads as damaged) were still there, and King Wu esteemed them and did not dare attack, and sent the feudal lords home. Two years later Zhou murdered Bigan, imprisoned Jizi, Weizi left, and he cut open pregnant women and crippled those who waded the river in the morning. King Wu, seeing that the worthy ministers were already gone, then convened the world and raised troops to attack and kill Zhou. Before King Wu had descended from his carriage, he sealed Bigan's tomb, opened the Grand Granary's grain to feed the world, and enfeoffed Weizi at Song. This is King Wu acting with ritual and trust.] King Xuan of Zhou opened [the character 'bi' is glossed as pronounced 'bi'] a thousand li of land, but not out of greed for invasion. [The Preface to the Odes says: King Li was tyrannical and the Zhou people drove him out, and the Xianyun invaded within, pressing near the capital. King Xuan inherited this trouble, ordered Yin Jifu to attack them, and he returned with merit. Yan You said: In the time of King Xuan of Zhou the Xianyun invaded, and he ordered a general to campaign against them, who went as far as the border and returned. He regarded the Xiongnu invasion as like the sting of mosquitos and gadflies, merely to be driven off, so the world called him enlightened.] It was to remove raiders and bandits and to give peace to the hundred clans. So a campaign without merit is not conducted by the noble person, and land without use is not coveted by sage kings. The former emperor raised the armies of Tang and Wu, settled the troubles [read in the falling tone] of the three borders, controlled the enemy from one side, and the Xiongnu fled; relying on the river and mountains as defense, he abandoned the sand, gravel and salt [the character 'xian' glossed as pronounced 'xian'] flats [the character 'lu' glossed as pronounced 'lu'] where nothing is eaten, and so cut off the counties of Doupi [the character 'shi' glossed as pronounced 'dou'; 'bi' glossed as pronounced 'pi'], gave up the land of Zaoyang to the Hu, reduced the winding frontier [pronounced 'sai'], held the river's dangers and guarded the strategic points, in order to relax corvee [pronounced 'yao'] and protect the officers and people. [The Account of the Xiongnu says: The Han then took the land south of the river and built Shuofang, and again repaired the frontier works built in Qin times by Meng Tian, relying on the river for strength. The Han also abandoned the Doupi county of Shanggu and the land of Zaoyang to the Hu. This was the second year of Yuanshuo of the Han. Meng Kang said: A Doupi county is a sharply curving one close to the Hu. Yan Shigu said: 'Dou' means cut off; of the counties sticking out into the Xiongnu border, among them was the land of Zaoyang.] From this we see that the sage ruler's intention was not merely to widen land and toil the multitude.

文學曰秦之用兵可謂極矣恬斥境可謂逺矣【人間訓曰秦皇挾錄圖見其傳曰亡秦者胡也因發卒五十萬使蒙公楊翁將築修城西屬流沙北撃遼水東結朝鮮中國內郡挽車而餉之又利越之犀角象齒翡翠珠璣乃使尉屠雎發卒五十萬為五軍一軍塞鐔城之嶺一軍守九疑之塞一軍處番禺之都一軍守南野之界一軍結餘千之水三年不解甲弛弩使監祿無以轉餉又以卒鑿渠而通糧道以與越人戰殺西嘔君譯籲宋而越人皆入叢薄中與禽獸處莫肯為秦虜相置桀駿以為將而夜攻秦人大破之殺尉屠雎伏屍流血數十萬乃發適戍以備之當此之時男子不得修農畆婦人不得剡麻考縷羸弱服格於道大夫箕防於衢病者不得養死者不得塟於是陳勝起於大澤奮臂大呼天下席捲而至於戲劉項興義兵隨而定若折槁振落遂失天下禍在備胡而利越也】今逾防恬之塞【音賽】立郡縣冦虜之地地彌逺而民滋勞朔方以西長安以北新郡之功外城之費不可勝【音升】計非徒是也司馬唐鑿西南夷之塗巴蜀於卭【音笻】筰【音作】橫海征南夷樓舩戍東越荊楚罷【音疲】於甌駱左將伐朝鮮開臨洮【音姚】燕齊困於穢貉張騫通殊逺納無用府庫之藏流於外國非特什【音鬥】闢【音僻】之費造陽之役也【漢紀曰南夷道君長有十數夜郎最大其西靡漠之屬以十數靡漠最大自靡漠以北君長以十數卭都最大自越嶲以東北君長以十數莋都最大自莋都以東北君長以十數冉駹最大自冉駹以東北君長以十數白馬景大此皆巴蜀外西南夷也秦時嘗通伍尺之道於此諸國頗置長吏漢興皆棄之及大行王恢之救越也使鄱陽令唐防使於南越越食蒙以枸醬蒙問所從來曰從西北牂牁江江漢廣數千裡出番禺城下防因上書曰南越地東西皆萬餘里名為外臣實一州土今以長沙豫章往來水道絶難竊聞夜郎精兵可數十萬若從夜郎浮舩下牂牁出其不意此制越一竒也可通夜郎道為置吏上許之乃拜中郎將發巴蜀兵千餘人奉幣帛見夜郎侯喻以徳意為置長吏旁小邑皆貪漢贈帛以為道逺漢中不能有也故皆且聼命司馬相如亦言西南夷卭筰可作都上恱之以相如為中郎將往喻意皆聼命後西南夷數反發兵興徭役費用甚多相如知其難通業已逹之乃假巴蜀之諭以諷上且以宣其使防於百姓博望侯張騫者漢中人也初為郎應募使月氏時匈奴殺月氏王遂西徙故漢欲與月氏擊匈奴騫行為匈奴所得留騫十餘歳與妻有子然騫常持節不失後亡到月氏月氏未有報匈奴意騫留一歳餘乃還並南山從羌中來歸復為匈奴所得留之歳餘防單于死國內亂騫乃與其胡妻來歸漢拜為大中大夫初騫行百餘人惟騫與唐邑氏奴二人得還騫身所到大宛大月支大夏康居而傳聞其旁國名具為上言之西域本三十六國後分為五十四國皆在匈奴之西本志曰孝武之世圖利制匈奴患其兼從西國結黨南羌乃表河曲列四郡開玉門闗通西域以斷匈奴之右臂隔絶南羌月氏單于失援由是逺遁漠北而漠南無王庭遭值文景黙養民五世天下殷富財力有餘士馬強盛故能積群貨覩犀象瑇瑁則開犍為朱崖七郡感防醬竹杖則開牂牁越嶲聞天馬葡萄則通大宛安息自是之後明珠文貝犀象翠羽之珍盈於後宮毺琪瑠葡萄龍文魚目汗血名馬充於黃門巨象獅兕猛獸大雀之群實於外囿殊方異物四面而至】由此觀之非人主用心好事之臣為縣官計過也大夫曰挾管仲之知【去聲】者非為廝【音斯】役之使【去聲】也懐陶朱之慮者不居貧困之處【韓非子曰管仲相齊曰臣貴矣然而臣貧桓公曰使子有三歸之家曰臣富矣然而臣卑桓公使立於髙國之上曰臣尊矣然而臣踈乃立為仲父管仲父出朱蓋青衣置鼓而歸庭有陳鼎家有三歸孔子曰良大夫也其侈偪上拾遺記曰范蠡相越日致千金家僮閒筭術者萬人收四方難得之貨盈積于越都以為噐銅鐵之類積如山之阜或藏之井壍謂之寳井竒容麗色溢於閨房歴古以來未之有也】文學能言而不能行居下而訕上處貧而非富大言而不從髙厲而行【去聲】卑誹譽訾【音紫】議以要【平聲】名採善於當世夫【音扶】祿不過秉握者不足以言治家不滿儋石者不足以計事儒皆貧羸衣冠不完安知國家之政縣官之事乎何什【音鬥】闢【音僻】造陽也

The Literati said: Qin's use of arms may be called extreme, and Meng Tian's (the source text has a rare character lost in transcription) pushing back of the border may be called far. [The Huainanzi, 'Ren Jian Xun', says: The First Emperor of Qin held a prophetic chart, saw its text saying that what would destroy Qin was the Hu, and so levied five hundred thousand soldiers and sent Lord Meng and Elder Yang to lead them to build the long wall, joined in the west to the Flowing Sands, to the north striking at the Liao River and in the east linking Korea, with the inner commanderies of the Middle Kingdom pulling carts to supply them. He also coveted the rhinoceros horns, ivory, kingfisher feathers and pearls of Yue, and sent Commandant Tu Ju to levy five hundred thousand soldiers as five armies: one army blocked the ridge at Tancheng, one guarded the pass at Jiuyi, one stationed itself at the capital of Panyu, one guarded the border at Nanye, and one joined the waters of Yugan, for three years without removing armor or slackening crossbows. The supervisor Lu had no means to forward supplies, and used soldiers to dig a canal to open a grain road, to fight with the Yue people; he killed the lord of Xi Ou, Yi Xu Song, but the Yue people all went into thickets and lived with beasts, refusing to be Qin's captives, and set up fierce and valiant men as generals and attacked the Qin by night, greatly defeating them, killing Commandant Tu Ju, with corpses lying and blood flowing in the hundreds of thousands, and so Qin sent convict garrisons to guard against them. At that time men could not tend the fields and women could not shave hemp or sort thread, the weak and frail wore fetters on the roads, grand masters sat in baskets at the crossroads, the sick could not be cared for and the dead could not be buried. So Chen Sheng rose at Daze, raised his arm and shouted, and the world was swept to Xi. Liu and Xiang raised righteous armies and followed to settle it, like snapping dry wood and shaking down leaves, and so Qin lost the world. The disaster lay in guarding against the Hu and seeking profit in Yue.] Now one goes beyond Meng Tian's (the source text reads as damaged) frontier [pronounced 'sai'] and sets up commanderies and counties in the land of the raiders; the farther the land, the more the people toil. West of Shuofang and north of Chang'an, the cost of the work on the new commanderies and outer walls cannot be counted [the character 'sheng' glossed as pronounced 'sheng']. Not only that: Sima Xiangru and Tang Meng opened the road through the southwestern barbarians, and Ba and Shu were worn out (the source text has a rare character lost in transcription) by Qiong [glossed as pronounced 'qiong'] and Zuo [glossed as pronounced 'zuo']; Hengha attacked the southern barbarians, and tower ships garrisoned eastern Yue, and Jing and Chu were exhausted [the character 'ba' glossed as pronounced 'pi'] by Ou and Luo; the General of the Left attacked Korea and opened Lintao [glossed as pronounced 'yao'], and Yan and Qi were in hardship from the Hui and Mo; Zhang Qian opened up distant places and took in useless things, and the stores in the treasuries flowed out to foreign states: this is not merely the cost of Doupi and the labor of Zaoyang. [The Han Annals says: In the southern barbarian road there were a dozen or so chiefs, of whom Yelang was largest; west of it the Mimo group numbered a dozen or so, of whom Mimo was largest; north of Mimo a dozen or so chiefs, of whom Qiongdu was largest; northeast of Yuexi a dozen or so chiefs, of whom Zuodu was largest; northeast of Zuodu a dozen or so chiefs, of whom Ranmang was largest; northeast of Ranmang a dozen or so chiefs, of whom Baima was largest: these were all the southwestern barbarians outside Ba and Shu. In Qin times a five-foot road had once been opened, and long officials were placed in these states; when the Han arose they were all abandoned. When the Grand Herald Wang Hui rescued Yue, he sent Tang Meng, magistrate of Poyang, as envoy to Nan Yue. Yue fed Tang Meng with sauce made of betel, and Meng asked where it came from, and was told it came from the Zangke River in the northwest, whose river was several thousand li wide and came out beneath the walls of Panyu. Meng then submitted a memorial saying: The land of Nan Yue is over ten thousand li east to west; it is nominally an outer vassal but in fact a province's worth of land. Now travel between it and Changsha and Yuzhang is extremely hard by waterway. I privately heard that Yelang has elite troops that could number several hundred thousand; if one floated boats from Yelang down the Zangke and came out unexpectedly, this would be a remarkable way to control Yue. One may open the Yelang road and set officials there. The emperor approved, and appointed Meng as general of the household, who sent more than a thousand soldiers of Ba and Shu bringing silks to see the Marquis of Yelang, explaining the imperial virtue and setting up long officials. The small neighboring towns all coveted the Han gifts of silk, and thinking the road was far and the Han could not finally hold it, all temporarily followed orders. Sima Xiangru also said the southwestern barbarians' Qiong and Zuo could be made into a capital. The emperor was pleased and sent Xiangru as general of the household to explain, and they all followed orders. Later the southwestern barbarians repeatedly rebelled, troops were sent and corvee raised, and the expenses were very great. Xiangru knew it was hard to open, and since he had already carried it out, he used the pretext of a notice to Ba and Shu to admonish the emperor and to publicize the intent of his mission (the source text reads as damaged) among the hundred clans. Zhang Qian, Marquis of Bowang, was from Hanzhong; he first served as a gentleman and answered the call to be sent to the Yuezhi. At that time the Xiongnu had killed the king of the Yuezhi, who moved west, so the Han wished to join the Yuezhi in attacking the Xiongnu. Qian set out and was captured by the Xiongnu, who kept him for over ten years, and he had a wife and child, but Qian always kept his tally and did not lose it. Later he fled to the Yuezhi, but the Yuezhi had no intention of taking revenge on the Xiongnu; Qian stayed over a year and then returned, following the southern mountains and coming back through the Qiang lands, and was again captured by the Xiongnu and kept over a year. When the Chanyu died and there was disorder in the country, Qian came back to the Han with his Hu wife and was appointed Grand Palace Counselor. When Qian set out, there were over a hundred men, but only Qian and a slave of the Tangyi clan could return. Qian himself had been to Dayuan, the Greater Yuezhi, Daxia and Kangju, and reported the names of their neighboring states to the emperor in full. The Western Regions had originally thirty-six states, later divided into fifty-four, all west of the Xiongnu. This treatise says: In the age of Emperor Xiaowu he planned to control the Xiongnu, worried that they might combine with the western states and join the southern Qiang, so he memorialized to open the bend of the river, set out four commanderies, open the Yumen Pass and open the Western Regions in order to cut off the Xiongnu's right arm and isolate the southern Qiang and Yuezhi. The Chanyu lost his support, and therefore fled far to the north of the desert, and south of the desert there was no royal court. Meeting the quiet nurturing of the people through five generations of Emperors Wen and Jing, the world was rich, wealth and strength were ample, and officers and horses were strong, so on seeing rhinoceros, ivory and tortoiseshell they opened Jianwei and the seven commanderies of Zhuya, on being stirred by betel sauce and bamboo staffs they opened Zangke and Yuexi, and on hearing of heavenly horses and grapes they opened Dayuan and Anxi. From then on, bright pearls and patterned shells, rhinoceros, ivory and kingfisher feathers filled the rear palace, rugs, jade and glass, grapes, dragon-patterned and fish-eyed gems, and blood-sweating famous horses filled the Yellow Gates, and herds of great elephants, lions, rhinoceros, fierce beasts and great birds filled the outer parks, with strange things from distant lands arriving from all sides.] From this we see that it was not the ruler's intention but the schemes of meddling ministers who plotted for the county officials. The Grand Master said: One who has the wisdom [pronounced in the falling tone] of Guan Zhong does not become a menial servant [the character 'si' glossed as pronounced 'si'] sent [pronounced in the falling tone]; one who holds the plans of Tao Zhu does not dwell in poverty. [Han Feizi says: When Guan Zhong was chancellor of Qi, he said: I am noble, yet I am poor. Duke Huan said: I will give you the three returns household. He said: I am rich, yet I am lowly. Duke Huan had him placed above Gao and Guo. He said: I am honored, yet I am distant. So he was made Second Father. When Guan Zhong went out, he rode under a red canopy in blue clothes, had drums set out on his return, had cauldrons arrayed in the courtyard, and his household had the three returns. Confucius said: A fine grand master, but his extravagance pressed on his superior. The Record of Gleanings says: Fan Li, chancellor of Yue, gained a thousand gold daily, and had ten thousand household servants skilled in calculation, and gathered rare goods from the four quarters that filled the Yue capital to make utensils; bronze and iron and such piled up like hills, some stored in wells and pits called treasure wells; extraordinary appearance and beautiful looks overflowed in his chambers, which had never existed since ancient times.] The Literati can speak but cannot act, live below and slander those above, are poor and condemn the rich, talk big but do not follow through, speak loftily but act [the character 'xing' pronounced in the falling tone] lowly, carp and slander and criticize [the character 'zi' glossed as pronounced 'zi'] to seek [the character 'yao' read in the level tone] fame and pick up praise in the present age. [The opening 'fu' is glossed as pronounced 'fu'.] One whose stipend does not exceed a handful cannot speak of government, and one whose household does not fill a dan or shi cannot reckon affairs. The Confucians are all poor and thin, with their clothing and caps incomplete; what do they know of the government of the state and the business of the county officials? What have they to do with Doupi and Zaoyang?

文學曰夫【音扶】賤不周知【去聲】貧不妨行【去聲】顔淵屢空不為不賢孔子不容不為不聖【孔子曰賢哉囘也一簞食一瓢飲在陋巷人不堪其憂回也不改其樂賢哉回也又曰回也其庶乎屢空孔子厄於陳蔡顔回曰夫子之道至大天下莫能容雖然夫子推而行之世不我用有國之醜也夫子何病焉不容然後見君子孔子欣然嘆曰有是哉】及將以貎舉人以才進士則太公終身鼔刀而戚不離飯【上聲】牛矣【王逸曰太公避紂居東海之濱聞文王作興盍往歸之至朝歌益窮困自鼓刀而屠遂西釣於渭濱文王夢得聖人於是出獵而見之遂載以歸用以為師言吾先公望子乆矣因號為太公望或言周文王夢立令狐之津太公在後帝曰昌賜汝名師文王再拜太公夢亦如此文王出田見識所夢載與俱歸以為太公也雜事篇曰戚欲幹齊桓公窮困無以自進於是為商旅賃車以適齊暮宿於郭門之外桓公郊迎客夜開門闢賃車者執火甚盛從者甚眾戚飯牛於車下望桓公而悲擊牛角疾商歌桓公聞之撫其僕之手曰異哉此歌者非常人也命後車載之桓公反至從者以請桓公曰賜之衣冠將見之寗戚見說桓公以合境內明日復見說桓公以為天下桓公大說將任之群臣爭之曰客衛人去齊五百里不逺不若使人問之固賢人也任之未晚也桓公曰不然問之恐其有小忘人之大美此人主所以失天下之士也且人固難全權用其長者遂舉大用之而授之以為卿當此舉也桓公得之矣所以覇也】古之君子守道以立名修身以俟時不以窮變節不以賤易志【詮言曰古之存已者樂德而忘賤故名不動志樂道而忘貧故利不動心繆稱訓曰天下有至貴而非勢位也有至富而非金玉也】惟仁之處惟義之行臨財不苟見利反義不義而富無名而貴仁者不為也【孫卿曰古之賢人食則餰粥不足衣則短褐不完然而非禮不進非義不受】故曾參閔子不以其仁易晉楚之富伯夷不以其行【去聲】易諸侯之位是以齊景公有馬千駟而不能與之爭名【立節篇曰曾子衣衣以耕魯君使人往致邑焉曰請以此修衣曽子不受往復反又不受使者曰先生非求於人人則獻之奚為不受曾子曰臣聞之受人者畏人予人者驕人縱子有賜不我驕也我能勿畏乎終不受孔子曰參之言足以全其節也孟子曰曾子曰晉楚之富不可及也彼以其富我以其仁彼以其爵我以其義吾何歉乎哉仲尼弟子傳曰閔損字子騫不仕大夫不食汙君之祿季氏使閔子騫為費宰子騫曰善為我辭焉如有復我者則吾必在汶上矣伯夷傳曰伯夷叔齊孤竹君之二子也父欲立叔齊及父卒叔齊讓伯夷伯夷曰父命也遂逃去叔齊亦不肯立而逃之國人立其中子論語曰伯夷叔齊餓於首陽之下民到於今稱之齊景公有馬千駟民無得而稱焉詩曰誠不以富亦只以異其此之異與繆稱訓曰伯夷餓死首山之下猶不自悔棄其所賤得其所貴也說山訓曰琬琰之玉在洿泥之中雖廉者弗釋弊箄甑瓾在袇茵之上雖貪者不摶美之所在雖汙辱世不能賤惡之所在雖髙隆世不能貴】孔子曰賢哉回也一簞食一瓢飲在於陋巷人不堪其憂回也不改其樂【音洛】故惟仁者能處約樂【音洛】貧【髙士傳曰孔子謂顔回曰家貧居卑胡不仕乎對曰不願仕回有郭外之田五十畆足以給鬻郭內十畆足以為絲麻鼓琴足以自娛所學夫子者足以自樂也回不願仕夫子愀然變色曰美哉】小人富斯暴貧斯濫矣陽子曰為仁不富為富不仁苟先利而後義取奪不厭公卿積億萬大夫積千金士積百金利己並財以聚百姓寒苦流離於路【流離梟鳥闗西謂之流離藉以為漂散之義也】儒獨何以完其衣冠也

The Literati said: [The opening 'fu' is glossed as pronounced 'fu'.] Humble status does not harm wisdom [the word 'zhi' pronounced in the falling tone], and poverty does not hinder conduct [the word 'xing' pronounced in the falling tone]. Yan Yuan was often empty-handed, yet he was not unworthy; Confucius was not accepted in his age, yet he was not unsage [Confucius said: How worthy was Hui! One bamboo bowl of food, one gourd dipper of drink, in a lowly lane; others could not bear the hardship, but Hui did not change his joy; how worthy was Hui! He also said: Hui comes near, but is often empty-handed. When Confucius was in distress between Chen and Cai, Yan Hui said: The Master's Way is utterly great, so the world cannot accept it; even so the Master pushes it and practices it, and if the age does not use us, that is the shame of those who have states. What is the Master's trouble? Only after not being accepted does one see the noble person. Confucius was delighted and sighed: So it is!]. If one raised people by appearance and promoted scholars by talent, then Taigong would have wielded the butcher's knife all his life, and Ning Qi (the source text has a rare character lost in transcription) would not have left feeding oxen [Wang Yi says: Taigong avoided Zhou and lived on the eastern seashore, and hearing that King Wen was rising, thought he would go and join him. On arriving at Zhaoge he became even poorer and himself wielded the butcher's knife, and then went west to fish on the bank of the Wei. King Wen dreamed of obtaining a sage, and so went out hunting and saw him, carried him back in his carriage and made him his teacher, saying: My late lord Gong has long hoped for you, and so called him Taigong Wang. Another account says King Wen of Zhou dreamed he stood at the ford of Linghu, with Taigong behind him, and the Lord said: Chang, I give you a famous teacher. King Wen bowed twice, and Taigong had the same dream. King Wen went out to hunt, saw the one in his dream and took him back and made him Taigong. The 'Miscellaneous Matters' chapter says: Ning Qi wanted to seek out Duke Huan of Qi, but was in hardship with no means to advance, so he hired out as a cart hand for merchants to go to Qi, and lodged at night outside the outer gate. Duke Huan went out to welcome a guest in the suburb and opened the gate at night, clearing away the hired carts, with a great many torches and many attendants. Ning Qi was feeding his ox beneath the cart, and looking at Duke Huan he grieved and struck the ox's horn and sang quickly a Shang song. Duke Huan heard it and patted the hand of his attendant, saying: How strange, this singer is no ordinary man. He ordered the rear carriage to carry him. When Duke Huan returned, his attendants asked about it. Duke Huan said: Give him clothes and a cap, and I will see him. When Ning Qi came, he spoke to Duke Huan about uniting the realm; the next day he came again and spoke to Duke Huan about ruling the world. Duke Huan was greatly pleased and was about to appoint him. The ministers contested it, saying: This guest is a man of Wei, not far from Qi, only five hundred li away; it would be better to send someone to ask about him, and if he is indeed worthy, it will not be too late to appoint him. Duke Huan said: Not so. If I ask about him I fear he may have some small flaw (the source text has a rare character lost in transcription) and I would forget the man's great excellence, which is how rulers lose the scholars of the world. Besides, people are hard to find perfect, so one uses their strengths with discretion. So he raised him to great office and gave him the rank of minister. In this action Duke Huan found him, and so became hegemon.]. The noble persons of old kept the Way to establish their name and cultivated themselves to await their time, not changing their integrity in hardship nor altering their will in lowliness [Huainanzi, 'Quan Yan Xun', says: The ancients who preserved themselves delighted in virtue and forgot lowliness, so fame did not move their will; they delighted in the Way and forgot poverty, so profit did not move their heart. 'Miu Cheng Xun' says: In the world there is the utmost nobility that is not power and rank, and the utmost wealth that is not gold and jade.]. They dwelt only where there was humaneness and acted only in righteousness, were not careless in handling wealth, and on seeing profit turned back to righteousness; the humane do not become rich by unrighteousness or noble without a name [Xunzi says: The worthy of old had to eat thin gruel without having enough, and wore short coarse clothes that were not whole, yet they did not advance without ritual and did not accept without righteousness.]. So Zeng Shen and Min Zi did not exchange their humaneness for the wealth of Jin and Chu, Bo Yi did not exchange his conduct [the word 'xing' pronounced in the falling tone] for a feudal lord's rank, and so Duke Jing of Qi, with a thousand teams of four horses, could not compete with them in fame [The 'Li Jie' chapter says: Zengzi wore tattered clothes to plow, and the ruler of Lu sent someone to give him a town, saying: Please use this to mend your clothes. Zengzi did not accept; they went and returned, and again he did not accept. The messenger said: Master, you do not ask from people, but they offer it; why do you not accept? Zengzi said: I have heard that one who receives from people fears them, and one who gives to people is arrogant to them. Even if you give and he is not arrogant to me, can I not fear? In the end he did not accept. Confucius said: Shen's words are enough to complete his integrity. Mencius says: Zengzi said the wealth of Jin and Chu cannot be matched. They have their wealth, I have my humaneness; they have their rank, I have my righteousness; what do I lack? The Biographies of Confucius's Disciples says: Min Sun, courtesy name Ziqian, did not serve a grand master and did not eat the stipend of a defiled ruler. The Ji clan sent Min Ziqian to be steward of Fei, and Ziqian said: Please decline well for me. If anyone comes back to me again, I will surely be at the Wen River. The Biography of Bo Yi says: Bo Yi and Shu Qi were two sons of the lord of Guzhu. Their father wanted to establish Shu Qi; when the father died, Shu Qi yielded to Bo Yi. Bo Yi said: It was Father's command. And fled. Shu Qi also would not take the throne and fled, and the people established the middle son. The Analects says: Bo Yi and Shu Qi starved at the foot of Mount Shouyang, and the people to this day praise them; Duke Jing of Qi had a thousand teams of four horses, and the people have nothing to praise in him. The Odes say: Truly not for wealth, but only for being different. Does this not refer to this? The Huainanzi, 'Miu Cheng Xun', says: Bo Yi starved to death beneath the head of the mountain and still did not regret it, abandoning what he found low and gaining what he found precious. 'Shuo Shan Xun' says: The jade wan and yan, though in foul mud, an honest man will not let go of; a worn bamboo steamer and jar, though on a cushion, even a greedy man will not take up. Where beauty lies, though it be in filth the age cannot hold it low; where ugliness lies, though it be high and lofty, the age cannot make it noble.]. Confucius said: How worthy was Hui, one bamboo bowl of food, one gourd dipper of drink, in a lowly lane; others could not bear the hardship, but Hui did not change his joy [the word 'le' glossed as pronounced 'luo']. So only the humane can dwell in poverty and take joy [pronounced 'luo'] in poverty [The Biographies of Lofty Scholars says: Confucius said to Yan Hui: Your family is poor and your dwelling lowly; why do you not take office? He answered: I do not wish to. Hui has fifty mu of fields outside the outer wall, enough to supply thin gruel; ten mu inside the wall, enough for silk and hemp; playing the zither is enough to amuse myself, and what I have learned from the Master is enough to be glad of. Hui does not wish to take office. The Master changed color with feeling and said: How fine!]. The petty person when rich is violent, and when poor is reckless. Yang Zi said: To practice humaneness is not to be rich, to be rich is not to be humane. If one puts profit first and righteousness last, one is never satisfied with taking: the dukes and ministers pile up a hundred million, grand masters pile up a thousand gold, scholars pile up a hundred gold, and profit for oneself combines wealth to gather, while the hundred clans are cold and suffering, drifting [the word is the name of the owl called 'liuli', as the people of Guanxi call it, borrowed to mean scattering] on the roads. How can the Confucians alone keep their clothes and caps whole?