Yan Tie Lun (鹽鐵論) · Volume 31
御史曰夏后氏不信言殷誓周盟徳信彌衰【檀弓曰魯人有周豐也者哀公執摯請見之而曰不可公曰我其已夫使人問焉曰有虞氏未施信於民而民信之夏后氏未施敬於民而民敬之何施而得斯於民也對曰墟墓之間未施哀於民而民哀社稷宗廟之中未施敬於民而民敬殷人作誓而民始畔周人作防而民始疑苟無禮義忠信誠慤之心以涖之雖固結之民其不解乎】無文武之人慾修其法此殷周之所以失勢而見奪於諸侯也【哀公問政孔子曰文武之政布在方策其人存則其政舉其人亡則其政息荀子曰有治人無治法羿之法非亡也而羿不世中禹之法猶存而夏不世王故法不能獨立得其人則存失其人則亡法者治之端也君子者法之原也】故衣弊而革裁法弊而更制【董仲舒曰琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼔也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也當更張而不更張雖有良工不能善調也當更化而不更化雖有大賢不能善治也泰族訓曰天地之道極則反盈則損故聖人事窮而更為法弊而改制非樂變古易常也將以救敗扶衰黜淫濟非以調天地之氣順萬物之宜也】髙皇帝時天下初定發徳音行三章之令權也非撥亂反正之常也【刑法志曰漢興髙祖初入關約法三章曰殺人者死傷人及盜抵罪蠲削煩苛兆民大悅其後四夷未附兵革未息三章之法不足以御奸於是相國蕭何攈摭秦法取其宜於時者作律九章】其後法稍犯不正於理故奸萌而甫刑作王道衰而詩刺彰諸侯暴而春秋譏夫【音扶】少目之網不可以得魚三章之法不可以為治【任昉曰淳源既逺天討是因畫衣象服以致刑厝草纓艾蹕民不能犯及淳徳下衰運距澆季湯刑禹政不足禁奸九法三章無以息訟所以赭衣塞路圄犴成市凝脂已疎秋荼非苦奸吏為市生殺並用可為慟哭豈徒一緒】故令不得不加法不得不多唐虞畫衣冠非阿湯武刻肌膚非故時世不同輕重之務異也【漢文帝曰蓋聞有虞氏之時畫衣冠異章服以為戮而民弗犯者何治之至也尚書大傳曰古之用刑者畫象而不犯蓋上刑赭衣不純中刑雜履下刑墨幪以居州里而人恥之白虎通曰五帝畫象者其服象五刑也犯墨者幪巾犯劓者赭其衣犯髕者以墨幪其髕處而畫之犯宮者履屝犯大辟者布衣無領尚書云五刑有服此之謂矣後世大刑用甲兵其次用斧鉞中刑用刀鋸其次用鑚鑿薄刑用鞭樸蓋嚴刑而人不禁也雜言曰世異則事變事變則時移時移則俗易是以君子先相其土地而裁其器觀其俗而和其風揔眾議而定其教】
The Imperial Counselor said: The Xia dynasty did not rely on spoken words, Yin made oaths and Zhou made covenants, and good faith grew ever weaker. [Note from the 'Tan Gong' chapter: There was a man of Lu named Zhou Feng. Duke Ai took gifts and went to see him, but he said he could not receive him. The duke said: I will stop, then. He sent someone to ask him, and he said: The House of Yu had not yet shown good faith to the people, yet the people trusted it; the House of Xia had not yet shown reverence to the people, yet the people revered it. What was done to win this from the people? He replied: Among tombs and graves, without having shown grief to the people, the people grieve; in the altars of the soil and grain and the ancestral temples, without having shown reverence to the people, the people are reverent. When the Yin people made oaths the people began to rebel, and when the Zhou people made covenants the people began to doubt. If one lacks the heart of ritual, righteousness, loyalty, good faith and sincerity to approach them, even if one binds them firmly, will the people not come apart?] If there are no men like Wen and Wu and one still wants to cultivate their laws, this is why Yin and Zhou lost their power and were taken from by the lords. [Note: Duke Ai asked about government, and Confucius said: The government of Wen and Wu is laid out on the bamboo tablets. When the man is present, their government flourishes; when the man is gone, their government ceases. Xunzi said: There are men who bring order, but no laws that bring order by themselves. Yi's method did not vanish, yet Yi did not rule generation after generation; Yu's laws still survive, yet Xia did not rule as kings for generation after generation. Therefore law cannot stand alone; when it gets the right man it survives, and when it loses the man it perishes. Law is the beginning of order, and the gentleman is the source of law.] Therefore when clothes wear out they are cut anew, and when laws wear out the system is changed. [Note: Dong Zhongshu said: When a zither is badly out of tune, one must take it apart and restring it before it can be played; when government is badly failing, one must change it and reform it before it can be ordered. When it ought to be restrung but is not, even a skilled craftsman cannot tune it well; when it ought to be reformed but is not, even a great worthy cannot govern it well. The 'Tai Zu' chapter says: The Way of Heaven and Earth, when it reaches an extreme, reverses, and when it is full, it diminishes. Therefore the sage, when affairs reach a dead end, makes changes, and when laws wear out, alters the system. It is not that he delights in changing the ancient and altering the constant, but that he means to rescue what is failing and prop up what is declining, to dismiss excess and relieve wrong, to harmonize the energies of Heaven and Earth and follow what is fitting for the myriad things.] When the High Emperor first settled the world, he issued a kindly proclamation and carried out the three-article ordinance, but that was an expedient, not the constant way of putting disorder right. [Note from the Treatise on Punishments: When Han arose and Gaozu first entered the pass, he made an agreement of three articles, saying: Whoever kills a man shall die; whoever wounds a man or steals shall be punished accordingly. He abolished the troublesome and harsh laws, and the myriad people were greatly pleased. Later, when the four barbarians had not yet submitted and the fighting had not stopped, the law of three articles was not enough to restrain the wicked, so the chancellor Xiao He gathered the laws of Qin, took those suited to the time, and made the Nine Chapters of the Code.] Afterward the laws were gradually violated and were not correct in principle, so wickedness sprouted and the Code of Lord Fu was made, the kingly way declined and the satirical odes became prominent, the lords grew violent and the Spring and Autumn Annals criticized them. Now then: a net with few meshes cannot catch fish, and the law of three articles cannot be used to govern. [Note: Ren Fang said: When the pure source was already far away, Heaven's punishment followed from it; they painted figures on clothes to bring about the abandonment of punishments, and wore straw caps and mugwort ties so that the people could not offend. But when pure virtue declined and the age drew near its shallow end, the punishments of Tang and the government of Yu were not enough to forbid wickedness, the nine laws and the three articles could not stop lawsuits, so that the roads were blocked with red-clothed convicts, prisons became like markets, the congealed fat was already thin, the autumn bitter herb was not bitter, corrupt officials made a market of it, killing and sparing were used together, and one could weep and wail; how could it be only a single thread?] Therefore decrees could not but be added and laws could not but be multiplied. That Tang and Yu painted figures on caps and clothes was not out of partiality, and that Tang and Wu cut the skin was not intentional; times and ages were different, and the weight of what was needed differed. [Note: Emperor Wen of Han said: I have heard that in the time of the House of Yu they painted caps and clothes and used different robes as a punishment and the people did not offend, how perfect was their government! The 'Great Tradition of the Book of Documents' says: Those in antiquity who used punishment painted figures and the people did not offend. The highest punishment was a red garment without a border, the middle punishment was a mixed-up pair of shoes, and the lowest punishment was a black hood, and they lived in their districts and villages and the people were ashamed of them. The Baihu Tong says: The Five Emperors painted figures whose clothing symbolized the five punishments. One who committed tattooing wore a hood, one who committed nose-cutting had his clothes dyed red, one who committed kneecap-removal had the kneecap area covered in black and painted, one who committed castration wore sandals of straw, and one who committed a capital offense wore cloth without a collar. The Book of Documents says the five punishments have their garments; this is what it means. In later ages the great punishment used armor and weapons, the next used axes and battle-axes; the middle punishment used knives and saws, the next used drills and chisels; the light punishment used whips and rods. Thus the punishments were severe and yet people were not restrained. The 'Za Yan' says: When the age changes, affairs change; when affairs change, the times shift; when the times shift, customs alter. Therefore the gentleman first examines the land and cuts his tools to suit it, observes its customs and harmonizes its manners, and gathers many opinions to set his teaching.]
文學曰民之仰法猶魚之仰水水清則靜濁則擾【傳曰水濁則魚喁令苛則民亂城峭則崩岸峭則陂故吳起削刑而車裂商鞅峻法而支解陸賈曰君子為治也混然無事寂然無聲官府若無人亭落若無吏郵無夜行之卒鄉無夜召之正耆老甘味於堂丁男耕芸於野主術訓曰水濁則魚噞政苛則民亂是以上多故則下多詐上多事則下多態上煩擾則下不定上多求則下交爭不直之於本而事之於末譬猶揚堁而弭塵抱薪以救火也鄧晳子曰夫水濁則無掉尾之魚政苛則無逸樂之士故令煩則民詐政擾則民不定不治其本而務其末譬如拯溺踵之以石救火投之以薪】擾則不安其居靜則樂【音洛】其業樂【音洛】其業則富富則仁生澹【古音贍】則爭止是以成康之世賞無所施法無所加非可刑而不刑民莫犯禁也非可賞而不賞民莫不仁也若斯則吏何事而理【董仲舒曰聖王之治天下也少則習之學長則材諸位爵祿以養其徳刑罰以威其惡故民曉於禮誼而恥犯其上武王行大誼平殘賊周公作禮樂以文之至於成康之隆囹圄空虛四十餘年此亦教化之漸而仁誼之流非獨傷肌膚之效也孔子曰政之不行也教之不成也爵祿不足勸也刑罰不足恥也故上不可以防刑而輕爵康誥曰敬明乃罰甫刑曰播刑之不廸】今之治民者若御拙馬行則頓之止則擊之身創【音瘡】於棰【推上聲】吻【音刎】傷於防求其無失何可得乎幹谿之役土崩梁氏【楚書曰楚靈王七年作章華臺下令內亡人實之十二年春靈王樂幹谿不能去也國人苦役夏四月公子比自晉歸楚立為王以公子棄疾為司馬先除王宮使觀從從師於幹谿令楚眾曰國有王矣先歸復爵邑田室後者遷之師及訾梁楚眾皆潰去靈王而歸五月癸亥王縊於芋尹申亥氏申亥以其二女殉而葬之公羊傳曰此弒其君其言歸何歸無惡於弒立也歸無惡於弒立者何靈王為無道作幹谿之臺三年不成楚公子棄疾脅比而立之然後令於幹谿之役曰比已立矣後歸者不得復其田裡眾罷而去之靈王經而死泰族訓曰靈王作章華之臺發乾谿之役外內騷動百姓罷弊棄疾乗民之怨而立公子子比百姓放臂而去之餓於幹谿食莽飲水枕塊而死】內潰不能禁峻法不止故罷【音疲】馬不畏鞭棰【推上聲】罷【音疲】民不畏刑法雖曽【音増】而累之其亡【音無】益乎【孔子曰鞭撲之子不從父之教刑戮之民不從君之政言疾之難行故君子不急斷不意使以為亂源】
The Literati said: People look up to law as fish look up to water; when the water is clear they are still, and when it is muddy they are disturbed. [Note: The tradition says: When the water is muddy the fish gasp at the surface, and when the decrees are harsh the people become disordered; when a city wall is steep it collapses, and when a bank is steep it slides. Therefore Wu Qi cut punishments and was torn apart by chariots, and Shang Yang made the law severe and was dismembered. Lu Jia said: When a gentleman governs, he is simple and without affairs, quiet and without sound, the offices seem to have no people and the village posts seem to have no clerks; the post stations have no night-traveling guards and the townships have no night-summoned officers; the elders enjoy good food in their halls and the able-bodied men plow in the fields. The 'Zhu Shu' chapter says: When the water is muddy the fish gasp, and when government is harsh the people are disordered. Therefore when those above have many troubles, those below have many deceits; when those above have many affairs, those below have many postures; when those above are fussy and disturbing, those below cannot settle; when those above demand much, those below quarrel with each other. Not setting right the root but working at the branch is like throwing up dust to stop the dust, or hugging firewood to put out a fire. Deng Xizi said: When the water is muddy there are no fish wagging their tails, and when government is harsh there are no gentlemen at leisure. Therefore when decrees are troublesome the people deceive, and when government is disturbing the people cannot settle. Not governing the root and working at the branch is like pulling a drowning man out by tying a stone to him, or putting out a fire by throwing firewood on it.] When disturbed, they do not feel at peace in their homes; when still, they enjoy their work; enjoying their work they become rich, and being rich benevolence arises, and when there is sufficiency quarrels cease. Therefore in the age of Cheng and Kang there was nothing to reward and no law to apply: it was not that punishments could be used and were not, but that the people did not break the prohibitions; it was not that rewards could be given and were not, but that none of the people were unbenevolent. If so, what work was there for officials to do in governing? [Note: Dong Zhongshu said: The sage kings who governed the world taught them to study when they were young, gave them posts according to their talents when they were grown, nurtured their virtue with rank and salary, and awed their wickedness with punishment, so that the people understood ritual and righteousness and were ashamed to offend their superiors. King Wu acted with great righteousness and put down the cruel and villainous, and the Duke of Zhou made rites and music to adorn it, and by the heights of Cheng and Kang the prisons were empty for more than forty years. This too was the gradual progress of teaching and the flow of benevolence and righteousness, not an effect achieved merely by hurting flesh and skin. Confucius said: When government is not carried out and teaching is not accomplished, rank and salary are not enough to encourage and punishment is not enough to shame. Therefore one above cannot put punishment first and rank last. The 'Announcement to Kang' says: Be reverent and clear in your punishments. The 'Code of Lord Fu' says: Spreading punishments does not lead the way.] Those who govern the people today are like men driving a clumsy horse: when it goes they jerk it, when it stops they strike it, so that their own bodies are wounded by the whip and the horse's mouth is hurt by the bit, and to hope for no mistakes in that way, how could it be done? The Ganxi campaign collapsed like earth, and the Liang clan [Note from the Book of Chu: In the seventh year of King Ling of Chu he built the Zhanghua Terrace and ordered fugitives inside the state to fill it. In the spring of the twelfth year King Ling was enjoying himself at Ganxi and could not leave, and the people of the state suffered from the labor. In the fourth month, summer, Prince Bi returned from Jin to Chu and was set up as king, with Prince Qiji as Minister of War; they first cleared the royal palace, and had Guan Cong follow the troops at Ganxi and tell the Chu multitude: The state has a king now; those who return first will have their rank, towns, fields and houses restored, and those who come later will be moved away. When the army reached Zi Liang, the Chu multitude all dispersed and abandoned King Ling and went home. In the fifth month on the guihai day the king hanged himself at the house of Yun Yin Shen Hai, and Shen Hai buried him with his two daughters as sacrifices. The Gongyang Commentary says: This was the killing of the ruler, so why does it say 'returned'? Because the return was blameless for the killing and installing. What does it mean that the return was blameless for the killing and installing? King Ling was without the Way and built the Ganxi Terrace for three years without finishing it, and Prince Qiji of Chu threatened Bi and set him up, and then ordered the Ganxi laborers: Bi has already been installed; those who return later cannot recover their fields and villages. The multitude gave up and left, and King Ling hanged himself. The 'Tai Zu' chapter says: King Ling built the Zhanghua Terrace and called up the Ganxi labor, and inside and outside there was turmoil and the people were exhausted. Qiji took advantage of the people's resentment and set up Prince Zibi, and the people dropped their arms and left him, and he starved at Ganxi, eating weeds and drinking water, and died with a clod for a pillow.] collapsed from within, which they could not prevent, and severe laws did not stop it. Therefore a worn-out horse does not fear whips, and worn-out people do not fear punishments; even if one adds to them, what good would it do? [Note: Confucius said: A son who is beaten does not follow his father's teaching, and people who are killed and punished do not follow their ruler's government; this says that haste makes things hard to carry out. Therefore the gentleman does not hurry to decide, and does not use people arbitrarily, because this is a source of disorder.]
御史曰嚴牆三仞樓季難之山髙幹雲牧豎登之故峻則樓季難三仞陵夷則牧豎易山巔【韓非子曰城髙五丈而樓季不輕犯泰山之髙百仞而跛防牧其上夫樓季也而難五丈之險豈跛防也而易百仞之髙哉峭壍之勢異也】夫【音扶】鑠金在鑪莊蹻【音腳】不顧錢刀在路匹婦掇之【掇拾取也】非匹婦貪而莊蹻【音腳】廉也輕重之制異而利害之分【音問】明也【韓非子曰布帛尋常庸人不釋鑠金百鎰盜跖不搏者非庸人之心尋常之利深而盜跖之慾淺也又不以盜跖之行為輕百鎰之重也摶必隨手刑則盜跖不搏百鎰而罰不必行也則庸人不釋尋常】故法令可仰而不可逾可臨而不可入詩云不敢暴虎不敢馮河為其無益也魯好【去聲】禮而有季孟之難【去聲】燕噲好【去聲】讓而有子之之亂【人間訓曰魯季氏與郈氏鬭雞郈氏芥其雞而季氏為之金距季氏之雞不勝季平子怒因侵郈氏之宮而築之郈昭伯怒傷之魯昭公曰禱於襄公之廟舞者二人而已其餘盡舞於季氏季氏之無道無上久矣其誅必危社稷公以告子家駒子家駒曰季氏之得眾三家為一其徳厚其威強君胡得之昭公弗聽使郈昭伯將卒以攻之仲孫氏季孫氏相與謀曰無季氏死亡無日矣遂興兵以救之郈昭伯不勝而死魯昭公出奔齊燕世家曰蘓秦之在燕與其相子之為婚而蘓代與子之交及蘓秦死而齊宣王複用蘓代燕噲三年與楚三晉攻秦不勝而還子之相燕貴重主斷蘓代為齊使於燕燕王問曰齊王奚如對曰必不霸燕王曰何也對曰不信其臣蘇代欲以激燕王以尊子之也於是燕王大信子之子之因遺蘇代百金而聽其所使鹿毛夀謂燕王曰不如以國讓相子之人之謂堯賢者以其讓天下於許由許由不受有讓天下之名而寔不失天下今王以國讓於子之子之必不敢受是王與堯同行也燕王因屬國於子之子之大重或曰禹薦益已而以啟人為吏及老而以啟人為不足任乎天下傳之於益已而啟與交黨攻益奪之天下謂禹名傳天下於益已而實令啟自取之今王言屬國於子之而吏無非太子人者是名屬子之而實太子用事也王因收印自三百石已上而效之子之子之南面行王事而噲老不聽政顧為臣國事皆決於子之三年國大亂百姓恫怨人間訓曰徐偃王為義而滅燕子噲行仁而亡哀公好儒則削代君為墨而殘齊俗訓曰有扈氏為義而亡知義而不知宜也魯治禮而削知禮而不知體也汜論曰昔楚恭王戰於隂陵潘尫養由基黃衰防公孫丙相與簒之恭王懼而失體黃衰防舉足蹵其體恭王乃覺怒其失禮奮體而起四大夫載而行此所謂失禮而有大功也昔蒼吾繞娶妻而美以讓兄此所謂忠愛而不可行也】禮讓不足禁邪而刑法可以止暴明君據法故能長制群下而久守其國也【韓非子曰今有不才之子父母怒之弗為改鄉人譙之弗為動師長教之弗為變夫以父母之愛鄉人之行師長之智三美加焉而終不動其脛毛不改州部之吏操官兵推公法而求索奸人然後恐懼變其節易其行矣故父母之愛不足以教子必待州郡之嚴刑者民固驕於愛聽於刑矣故明王峭其法而嚴其刑】
The Imperial Counselor said: A strict wall three ren high is hard even for Lou Ji, but a mountain towering into the clouds is climbed by a herd boy. So a steep wall three ren high is hard for Lou Ji, while a gentle slope makes the top of a mountain easy for a herd boy. [Note: Han Feizi said: A city wall five zhang high is not lightly climbed by Lou Ji, while Mount Tai a hundred ren high has lame ewes grazing on it. If Lou Ji found a five-zhang cliff hard, how could a lame ewe find a hundred-ren height easy? It is because the steepness of the slopes differs.] Now then: molten metal in the furnace is not looked at by Zhuang Qiao, but coins and knives on the road are picked up by an ordinary woman. [To 'pick up' means to gather.] It is not that the ordinary woman is greedy and Zhuang Qiao honest, but that the weight of the rules differs and the line between profit and harm is clear. [Note: Han Feizi said: Cloth and silk of a few feet are not let go by common people, but a hundred yi of molten metal Robber Zhi would not seize. It is not that the hearts of common people are deeper in desire for small gain and Robber Zhi's desire is shallow, nor that Robber Zhi's conduct regards a hundred yi as light. If grasping were sure to be followed by punishment, Robber Zhi would not grasp a hundred yi; but if punishment were not sure to be carried out, common people would not let go of a few feet of cloth.] Therefore laws and decrees may be looked up to but not overstepped, and may be approached but not entered. The Book of Songs says: 'We dare not fight a tiger bare-handed, nor cross the river on foot,' because there is no benefit in it. Lu loved ritual and had the troubles of Ji and Meng; Kuai of Yan loved yielding and had the disorder of Zizhi. [Note from the 'Ren Jian' chapter: The Ji clan of Lu and the Hou clan had a cockfight; the Hou clan put mustard on their bird and the Ji clan fitted theirs with metal spurs. The Ji clan's bird did not win, and Ji Pingzi was angry and so seized the Hou clan's house and built on it. Hou Zhaobo was angry and accused him to Duke Zhao of Lu, saying: At the prayer in the temple of Duke Xiang there were only two dancers, and all the rest danced at the Ji clan's. The Ji clan has been without the Way and without a superior for a long time; killing him is sure to endanger the state. The duke told Zijia Ju. Zijia Ju said: The Ji clan has gained the multitude, the three families are as one, their virtue is generous and their might is strong; how can you get him? Duke Zhao did not listen and had Hou Zhaobo lead troops to attack him. The Zhongsun and Jisun clans together planned, saying: Without the Ji clan, we would die within days. So they raised troops and rescued him. Hou Zhaobo did not win and died, and Duke Zhao of Lu fled to Qi. The Hereditary House of Yan says: When Su Qin was in Yan, he made a marriage tie with its chancellor Zizhi, and Su Dai was friends with Zizhi. When Su Qin died, King Xuan of Qi again used Su Dai. In his third year, Kuai of Yan attacked Qin with Chu and the Three Jin but did not win and returned. Zizhi was chancellor of Yan and valued and honored the ruler's decisions. Su Dai went to Yan as an envoy for Qi, and the King of Yan asked: How is the King of Qi? He answered: He will certainly not become hegemon. The King of Yan said: Why? He answered: He does not trust his ministers. Su Dai wanted to provoke the King of Yan to exalt Zizhi. So the King of Yan trusted Zizhi greatly, and Zizhi sent Su Dai a hundred pieces of gold and let him be used as he wished. Lu Maoshou said to the King of Yan: It would be better to cede the state to the chancellor Zizhi. People call Yao worthy because he offered the world to Xu You, and Xu You did not accept it, so Yao had the name of yielding the world while in fact not losing it. If you now cede the state to Zizhi, Zizhi will certainly not dare accept it, and you will be doing the same as Yao. The King of Yan then entrusted the state to Zizhi, and Zizhi became very powerful. Someone said: Yu recommended Yi, but then made the people of Qi into his officials; when he was old he thought Qi was not fit to hold the world and passed it to Yi, but then Qi and his party attacked Yi together and took the world from him. This means Yu had the name of handing the world to Yi, while in fact he had Qi take it himself. Now the king says he is entrusting the state to Zizhi, yet none of the officials are other than the crown prince's men, so it is in name entrusted to Zizhi but in fact the crown prince is in charge. The king then took back the seals of all officials of three hundred shi and above and handed them over to Zizhi, and Zizhi faced south and carried out the king's business, while Kuai, old, did not attend to government and instead became a subject, and state affairs were all decided by Zizhi. In three years the state was in great disorder and the common people were resentful and afraid. The 'Ren Jian' chapter says: King Yan of Xu was righteous and was destroyed, Kuai of Yan practiced benevolence and was lost, Duke Ai loved Confucians and his state was diminished, and the ruler of Dai followed Mohism and was ruined. The 'Qi Su' chapter says: The House of Youhu was righteous and perished, because it knew righteousness but not what was fitting; Lu governed by ritual and was diminished, because it knew ritual but not substance. The 'Fan Lun' says: In the past King Gong of Chu fought at Yinling, and Pan Wang, Yang Youji, Huang Shuai Wei and Gongsun Bing together tried to usurp it. King Gong was frightened and lost his composure, and Huang Shuai Wei lifted his foot and kicked his body, and the king then woke, angry at the loss of ritual, and sprang up, and the four grand officers carried him away. This is called losing ritual yet achieving great merit. In the past Cangwu Rao married a beautiful wife and yielded her to his elder brother; this is called loyalty and love that cannot be practiced.] Ritual and yielding are not enough to stop wickedness, while punishments and laws can stop violence. A wise ruler relies on law, and so can control his subordinates for a long time and hold his state for many years. [Note: Han Feizi said: Suppose there is a worthless son: his parents are angry at him but he does not change, his fellow villagers rebuke him but he is not moved, his teachers instruct him but he does not alter. With the love of parents, the conduct of fellow villagers and the wisdom of teachers, these three good things are added, yet he does not move a hair on his shin or change at all. But when the district officers take official weapons and apply the public law to seek out the wicked, then he is afraid, and changes his manner and alters his conduct. Thus parental love is not enough to teach a son, and he must wait for the severe punishments of the district and prefecture; the people are indeed spoiled by love and obedient to punishment. Therefore a wise king makes his law steep and his punishments severe.]
文學曰古者明其仁義之誓使民不逾乎上刑之不教而殺是以虐也【孔子曰不戒責成害也慢令致期暴也不教而誅賊也君子為政避此三者且詩曰載色載笑匪怒伊教子貢曰托法而治謂之暴不戒致期謂之虐不教而誅謂之賊以身勝人謂之責責者失身賊者失臣虐者失政暴者失民居上位行此四者而不亡者未之有也】與其刑不可逾不若義之不可逾也聞禮義行而刑罰中【去聲】未聞刑罰行而孝悌興也【傳曰天設其髙而日月成明地設其厚而山陵成名上設其道而百事得序自周衰壊以來王道廢而不起禮義絶而不繼秦之時非禮義棄詩書略古昔大滅聖専為苟妄以貪利為俗以較獵為化而天下大亂於是兵作而火起暴露居外而民以侵漁遏奪相攘為服習離聖王光烈之日久逺未嘗見仁義之道被禮樂之風是以嚚頑無禮而肅敬日益凌遲以威武相攝妄為佞人不避禍患此所以難治也】髙牆狹基不可立矣嚴法峻刑不可久也二世信趙髙之計渫【音洩】篤【秦紀作督】責而任誅斷刑者半道死者日積殺民多者為忠厲民悉者為能百姓不勝【音升】其求黔【音拑】首不勝【音升】其刑【秦謂人為黔首言其頭黒也】海內同憂而俱不生【李斯傳曰太子胡亥立為二世皇帝以趙髙為郎中令常侍中用事二世燕居乃召髙與謀事趙髙曰嚴法而刻刑令有罪者相坐誅至收族滅大臣而逺骨肉盡除去先帝故臣更置陛下所親信者近之害除而奸謀塞陛下則髙枕肆志寵樂矣二世然髙之言乃更為法律於是群臣諸公子有罪輒下髙令鞠治之殺大臣防毅等公子十二人僇死咸陽市十公主矺死於杜財物入於縣官相連坐者不可勝數法令誅罰日益刻深群臣人人自危欲畔秦者眾又作阿房之宮治直馳道賦斂愈重戍徭無已於是楚戍卒陳勝吳廣等作亂起于山東豪俊相立自置為侯王叛秦兵至鴻門而卻】故過任之事父不得於子無已之求君不得於臣【秦策曰語云戰勝而國危者物不斷也功大而權輕者地不入也故過任之事父不得於子無已之求君不得於臣故防之為著者強察乎息民之為用者霸明乎輕之為重者王】死不再生窮鼠齧貍匹夫奔萬乘【去聲】舍人折弓陳勝吳廣是也【汜論曰鄭子陽剛毅而好罰其於罰也執而無赦舍人有折弓者畏罪而恐誅則因猘狗之驚以殺子陽許慎曰舍人家臣也國人逐猘狗以亂擾舍人因之以殺子陽畏其嚴也徐樂曰陳渉無千乘之尊尺土之地身非王公大人名族之後無鄉曲之譽非有孔墨曽子之賢陶朱猗頓之富然起窮巷奮棘矜偏袒大呼而天下從風此其故何也由民困而主不恤下怨而上不知也俗已亂而政不修此三者陳渉之所以為資也】當此之時天下期俱起方面而攻秦聞不一期而社稷為墟惡【音烏】在其能制群下而久守其國也御史黙然不對
The Literati said: In antiquity they made clear their oath of benevolence and righteousness so that the people would not overstep their superiors; to punish without teaching and to kill is cruelty. [Note: Confucius said: To demand results without warning is harm; to be slow in decree but strict in deadline is tyranny; to execute without teaching is villainy. The gentleman in governing avoids these three. Also the Book of Songs says: 'With a changed face and a smile, not anger, but teaching.' Zigong said: To govern by relying on law is called tyranny; to set a deadline without warning is called cruelty; to execute without teaching is called villainy; to overcome others by one's own person is called blaming. One who blames loses himself, one who is villainous loses his ministers, one who is cruel loses his government, and one who is tyrannical loses his people. One in high position who practices these four and does not perish has never existed.] Rather than making punishment that cannot be overstepped, it is better to make righteousness that cannot be overstepped. I have heard that where ritual and righteousness are practiced punishments are fitting, but I have never heard that where punishments are practiced filial piety and brotherly respect flourish. [Note: The tradition says: Heaven sets up its height and the sun and moon become bright, Earth sets up its thickness and mountains and hills become famous, and above, setting up the Way, the hundred affairs get their order. Since the decline of Zhou, the kingly way was abandoned and did not rise again, and ritual and righteousness were cut off and did not continue. In the time of Qin they rejected ritual and righteousness, discarded the Odes and the Documents, neglected antiquity and destroyed the sages, and acted solely in recklessness, taking greed for profit as custom and hunting as teaching, and the world fell into great disorder. Then arms rose and fires blazed, people were exposed outdoors, and the people made invasion, plunder, seizing and snatching their habit. They were long removed from the bright days of the sage kings, had never seen the Way of benevolence and righteousness or been touched by the wind of ritual and music, and so became stubborn and without ritual, with reverence declining day by day, controlling one another by force, doing what they pleased as flatterers, and not avoiding calamity. This is why they are hard to govern.] A high wall with a narrow base cannot stand, and strict law and severe punishments cannot last. The Second Emperor trusted Zhao Gao's plan, intensified blame and relied on executions; those punished stood halfway down the road and the dead piled up day by day, and those who killed the most people were considered loyal and those who harassed the people most completely were considered capable. The people could not bear his demands and the black-headed people could not bear his punishments. [Qin called people 'black-heads', meaning their heads were dark.] All within the seas shared the same sorrow and could not make a living together. [Note from the Biography of Li Si: The crown prince Huhai was set up as the Second Emperor, with Zhao Gao as Chamberlain for Attendants, always in attendance and handling affairs. The Second Emperor was idle at leisure and summoned Gao to plan. Zhao Gao said: Make the laws strict and punishments harsh, make those who commit crimes be executed together with those connected to them, even to the extent of seizing their clans, destroy the great ministers and keep distant bone and flesh, remove all the former ministers of the late emperor and put those Your Majesty trusts in their places and keep them close; then harms will be removed and wicked plots blocked, and Your Majesty can rest your head high and indulge your will in pleasure. The Second Emperor agreed with Gao's words and then changed the laws. Then whenever the ministers and princes committed crimes they were handed to Gao for interrogation, and he killed great ministers such as Meng Yi, twelve princes were executed in the market of Xianyang, ten princesses were torn apart at Du, and their goods went to the county treasury, and those implicated in connection with them could not be counted. Laws and punishments grew harsher day by day, every minister felt in danger, and many wished to rebel against Qin. He also built the E'pang Palace and straightened the imperial roads, taxes grew heavier and garrison service was endless. Then the Chu garrison soldiers Chen Sheng, Wu Guang and others rebelled and rose east of the mountains, and heroes set each other up, set themselves up as lords and kings and rebelled against Qin, and their troops reached Hongmen and then withdrew.] So an over-burdened father cannot get his due from his son, and a ruler with endless demands cannot get his due from his ministers. [Note from the Strategies of Qin: The saying goes: When a state wins a war but is endangered, it is because affairs were not decided; when achievement is great but authority light, it is because land was not taken in. Therefore an over-burdened father cannot get his due from his son, and a ruler with endless demands cannot get his due from his ministers. So one who makes authority prominent is strong, one who understands the use of giving the people rest becomes hegemon, and one who understands making light into heavy becomes king.] The dead do not live again, and a cornered rat will bite a cat; a common man rushes at ten thousand chariots, and the retainer breaks the bow: Chen Sheng and Wu Guang are examples. [Note from the 'Fan Lun': Zi Yang of Zheng was resolute and fond of punishment, and in punishing he held firmly and granted no pardon. A retainer who had broken a bow feared the crime and dreaded execution, so he took advantage of the fright of a mad dog to kill Zi Yang. Xu Shen said: The retainer was a household servant. The people of the state chased a mad dog and caused a disturbance, and the retainer used it to kill Zi Yang, fearing his severity. Xu Le said: Chen She had no power of a thousand chariots and not a foot of land, he was not a descendant of a king, duke or great family, he had no reputation in his village, and had neither the worth of Confucius, Mozi or Zeng, nor the wealth of Tao Zhu or Yi Dun; yet he rose from a back alley, brandished thorn-wood poles, bared one shoulder and shouted, and the world followed like grass before the wind. What was the reason? It was because the people were in distress and the ruler did not pity them, those below were resentful and those above did not know, and customs were already disordered and the government was not mended. These three were what Chen She relied on.] At that time the whole world was ready to rise together and attack Qin from all sides, and before they had even agreed on a date, the altars of the state became ruins. How could he control his subordinates for long and hold his state for many years? The Imperial Counselor fell silent and did not reply.
大夫曰瞽師不知白黒而善聞言儒者不知治世而善訾【音紫】議夫【音扶】善言天者合之人善言古者考之今【漢武帝曰善言天者必有徴於人善言古者必有騐於今】令何為施法何為加湯武全肌骨而殷周治秦國用之法弊而犯二尺四寸之律古今一也或以治或以亂【賈生曰為人主計者莫如先審取捨取捨之極定於內而安危之萌應於外矣安者非一日而安也危者非一日而危也皆以積漸然不可不察也人主之所積在其取捨以禮義治之者積禮義以刑罰治之者積刑罰刑罰積而民怨背禮義積而民和親故世主欲民之善同而所以使民善者或異或道之以徳教或敺之以法令道之以徳教者徳教洽而民氣樂敺之以法令者法令極而民風哀哀樂之感禍福之應也秦王之慾尊宗廟而安子孫與湯武同然而湯武廣大其徳行六七百嵗而弗失秦王治天下十餘嵗則大敗此亡它故矣湯武之定取捨審而秦王之定取捨不審矣】春秋原罪甫刑制獄【孟子曰世衰道防邪説暴行有作臣弒其君者有之子弒其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎孔子成春秋而亂臣賊子懼霍諝曰春秋之義原情定過赦事誅意故許止以弒君而免罪趙盾以縱賊而見書刑法志曰周道既衰穆王眊荒命甫侯度時作刑以詰四方墨罰之屬千劓罰之屬千髕罰之屬五百宮罰之屬三百大辟之罰其屬二百五刑之屬三千蓋多於平邦中典五百章所謂刑亂邦用重典者也】今願聞治亂之本週秦之所以然乎
The Grandee said: A blind musician cannot tell white from black yet is good at hearing words; Confucian scholars know nothing of governing an age yet are good at carping and debating. Truly (the particle "fu" at the start of a sentence is pronounced "fu"): one who speaks well of Heaven ties it to humankind, and one who speaks well of antiquity tests it against the present [Emperor Wu of Han said: One who speaks well of Heaven must have proof in human affairs; one who speaks well of antiquity must have verification in the present]. What decrees are to be issued, and what laws are to be imposed? Under Tang and King Wu the flesh and bones of the people were kept whole, and the Yin and Zhou were well governed; Qin used punishments, and the laws wore out and were broken. The code of two feet four inches is the same in ancient and modern times, yet by some it brought order and by others disorder [Master Jia said: In planning for a ruler, nothing is better than first examining what to adopt and what to discard. Once the ultimate choice is settled within, the first signs of safety or danger respond outside. Safety does not come in a single day, nor does danger; both arise by gradual accumulation, and one must not fail to look into this. What a ruler accumulates lies in his choices: he who governs by ritual and righteousness accumulates ritual and righteousness, and he who governs by punishment accumulates punishment. When punishment accumulates, the people resent and turn away; when ritual and righteousness accumulate, the people are harmonious and close. The rulers of the age all want the people to be good, yet the means they use to make them good differ: some lead them by moral teaching, and some drive them by laws and orders. Where they are led by moral teaching, moral teaching suffuses them and the people's spirit is joyful; where they are driven by laws and orders, the laws reach their extreme and the people's mood is sorrowful. In sorrow and joy are felt, and misfortune and fortune respond. The King of Qin wanted to honor the ancestral temple and keep his descendants safe, just as Tang and King Wu did; yet Tang and King Wu broadened their virtue and conduct and did not lose the realm for six or seven hundred years, while the King of Qin ruled all under Heaven for a little over ten years and was utterly defeated. There is no other reason: Tang and King Wu were careful in settling what to adopt and discard, whereas the King of Qin was not]. The Spring and Autumn Annals traced guilt to its origin, and the Marquis of Fu's Punishments regulated trials [Mencius said: When the age declined and the Way grew faint, perverse doctrines and violent deeds arose; there were ministers who killed their rulers and sons who killed their fathers. Confucius was alarmed and composed the Spring and Autumn Annals. The Annals are the business of the Son of Heaven. Therefore Confucius said: Those who understand me will do so through the Annals alone, and those who condemn me will do so through the Annals alone. When Confucius completed the Annals, rebellious ministers and villainous sons were afraid. Huo Xu said: The principle of the Annals is to trace the circumstances and fix the fault, pardoning the deed but punishing the intent; thus Xu Zhi was excused from guilt though he killed his ruler, while Zhao Dun was recorded as guilty for letting the murderer go. The Treatise on Punishments says: When the Way of Zhou had declined, King Mu grew dim and dissolute, and he ordered the Marquis of Fu to deliberate on the times and compose the penal code to restrain the four quarters. The punishment of tattooing had a thousand categories, nose-cutting a thousand, kneecap-removal five hundred, castration three hundred, and the death penalty two hundred; the five punishments had three thousand categories in all, which is more than the five hundred articles of the middling code for ordinary states; this is what is meant by using the heavy code in a disordered state]. Now I wish to hear the root of order and disorder, and why the Zhou and the Qin turned out as they did.
文學曰春夏生長【音掌】聖人象而為令秋冬殺藏聖人則而為法故令者教也所以導民人法者刑罰也所以禁強暴也【刑法志曰聖人既躬明悊之性必通天地之心動縁民情而則天象地故曰聖人制禮則天之明因地之性也刑罰威獄以類天之震曜殺戮也溫慈恵和以效天之生殖長育也書云天秩有禮天討有罪故聖人因天秩而制五禮因天討而作五刑】二者治亂之具存亡之效也在上所任湯武經禮義明好【去聲】惡【音汙】以導其民刑罪未有所加而民自行義殷周所以治也上無徳教下無法則任刑必誅劓【音義】鼻盈虆【音螺】斷足盈車舉河以西不足以受天下之徒終而以亡者秦王也非二尺四寸之律異所行反古而悖民心也【吾丘夀王曰秦兼天下廢王道立私議滅詩書而首法令去仁恩而任刑戮隳名城殺豪傑銷甲兵折鋒刃其後民以耰鉏棰梃相撻擊犯法滋眾盜賊不勝至於赭衣塞路群盜滿山卒以亂亡故聖人務徳教而省禁防知其不足恃也桓範曰徳多刑少者五帝也刑徳相半者三王也刑多徳少者五霸也純用刑而亡者秦也王符曰治國之日舒以長故其民閒暇而力有餘亂國之日促以短故其民困務而力不足所謂治國之日舒以長者非能請羲和而令安行也乃君明察而百官理民安靜而力有餘故視日長也所謂亂國之日促以短者非能謁羲和而令疾驅也乃君暗則百官亂而奸宄興細民懐賄而趨走故視日短也】
The Literati said: Spring and summer give birth and growth (the character "zhang" is pronounced "zhang"), and the sages modeled on them to make decrees; autumn and winter kill and store away, and the sages took them as the pattern for laws. So decrees are teaching, used to guide the people, while laws are punishments, used to restrain the strong and violent [The Treatise on Punishments says: Since the sages themselves were by nature clear-sighted and wise, they necessarily penetrated the mind of Heaven and Earth, and in acting they followed the feelings of the people while taking Heaven as their model and Earth as their image. Hence it is said that the sages made ritual by taking Heaven's brightness as the pattern and following the nature of Earth; punishments and prisons were made to resemble the thunder, lightning and slaughter of Heaven, while warmth, kindness and gentleness were made to imitate Heaven's giving of life, growth and nurture. The Book of Documents says: Heaven has ordered ritual, and Heaven punishes the guilty. Therefore the sages, following Heaven's order, set up the five rituals, and following Heaven's punishment, made the five penalties]. The two are the tools of order and disorder and the signs of survival and ruin, depending on what the ruler employs. Tang and King Wu governed by ritual and righteousness and made clear what to love and what to hate (the character "hao" is read in the departing tone, and "wu" is pronounced "wu") in order to lead their people; before punishments had been applied, the people practiced righteousness of themselves, and this is why the Yin and Zhou were well governed. When the ruler above has no moral teaching and the people below have no standard, and he relies on punishment and kills without fail, so that the amputated noses (the character "yi" is pronounced "yi") pile up and the cut-off feet fill the carts, so that all the land west of the river is not enough to hold the convicts of the realm, and in the end he is destroyed, that was the King of Qin. It was not that the code of two feet four inches was different; it was that what he practiced was contrary to antiquity and went against the people's hearts [Wuqiu Shouwang said: When Qin annexed the realm, it abolished the Kingly Way, set up private opinions, destroyed the Odes and Documents and put laws and orders first, cast out benevolence and kindness and relied on punishment and execution, razed famous cities, killed heroes, melted down armor and weapons, and broke spear points and blades. Afterward the people fought with hoes and clubs, those who broke the law multiplied, bandits could not be mastered, red-clothed convicts filled the roads and bands of robbers filled the mountains, and in the end Qin fell into chaos and perished. Therefore the sages devoted themselves to moral teaching and reduced prohibitions, knowing that these could not be relied on. Huan Fan said: The Five Emperors had much virtue and little punishment; the Three Kings had virtue and punishment in equal measure; the Five Hegemons had much punishment and little virtue; Qin used pure punishment and perished. Wang Fu said: In a well-governed state the days are relaxed and long, so the people have leisure and strength to spare; in a disordered state the days are hurried and short, so the people are worn down by their tasks and their strength is insufficient. What is meant by the days of a well-governed state being relaxed and long is not that the ruler can ask Xihe to drive the sun slowly; it is that the ruler is discerning and the hundred officials are orderly, the people are quiet and have strength to spare, and so the day seems long. And the days of a disordered state being hurried and short does not mean the ruler can call on Xihe to drive the sun fast; it is that when the ruler is dim, the hundred officials fall into disorder and wickedness arises, and the common people, hoping for bribes, rush about, so the day seems short].
大論第五十九
大夫曰呻吟槁誦死人之語則有司不似文學【道應訓曰桓公讀書於堂輪人斵輪於堂下釋其椎鑿而問桓公曰君之所讀者何書也桓公曰聖人之書輪扁曰其人在焉桓公曰已死矣輪扁曰是直聖人之糟粕耳桓公悖然作色而怒曰寡人讀書工人焉得而譏之哉有説則可無説則死輪扁曰然有説臣試以臣之斵輪語之大疾則苦而不入大徐則甘而不固不甘不苦應於手厭於心而可以至妙者臣不能以教臣之子臣之子亦不能得之於臣是以行年六十老而為輪今聖人之所言者亦以懐其實窮而死獨其糟粕在耳故老子曰道可道非常道名可名非常名】文學知獄之在廷後而不知其事聞其事而不知其務夫【音扶】治民者若大匠之斵【音卓】斧斤而行之中【去聲】繩則止杜大夫王中尉之等【謂杜周王溫舒也】繩之以法斷之以刑然後冦止奸禁故射者因勢治者因法【汜論曰法度者所以論民俗而節緩急器械者因時變而制宜適夫聖人作法而萬物制焉賢者立禮而不肖者拘焉製法之民不可與逺舉拘禮之人不可使應變耳不知清濁之分者不可令調音心不知治亂之源者不可令製法必有獨聞之耳獨見之明然後能擅道而行矣夫殷變夏周變殷春秋變週三代之禮不同何古之從大人作而弟子循知法治所由生則應時而變不知法治之源雖循古終亂今世之法籍與時變禮義與俗易為學者循先襲業據籍守舊教以為非此不治是猶持方枘而周貟鑿也欲得宜適致固焉則難矣今儒墨者稱三代文武而弗行是言其所不行也非今時之世而弗改是行其所非也稱其所是行其所非是以盡日極慮而無益於治勞刑竭智而無補於主也今夫圖工好畫魅而憎圖狗馬者何也魅不世出而狗馬可日見也夫存危治亂非智不能道而道先稱古雖愚有餘故不用之法聖王弗行不驗之言聖王弗聽】虞夏以質殷周以文【孔子曰虞夏之質殷周之文至矣虞夏之文不勝其質殷周之質不勝其文】異時各有所施今欲以敦樸之時治抗之民是猶遷延而拯溺揖讓而救火也【韓非子曰夫古今異俗新故異備如欲以寛緩之政治急世之民猶無轡策而御駻馬此不知之患也齊俗訓曰世異即事變時移則俗易故聖人論世而立法隨時而舉事法度不同非務相反也時世異也是故不法其已成之法而法其所以為法所以為法與化推移者也汜論曰古者人醇工龎商樸女重是以政教易化風俗易移也今世徳益衰民俗益薄欲以樸重之法治既之民是猶無鏑銜橜防錣而御馯馬也昔者神農無制令而民從唐虞有制令而無刑罰夏后氏不負言殷人誓周人盟逮至當今之世忍訽而輕辱貪得而寡羞欲以神農之道治之則其亂必矣】
The Grandee said: You moan and sigh over withered bamboo slips and recite the words of dead men, yet the officials are not like the Literati [The chapter "Dao Ying" says: Duke Huan was reading a book in the hall, and the wheelwright Bian, who was chipping a wheel below the hall, put down his mallet and chisel and asked Duke Huan: What book is my lord reading? The Duke said: The book of the sages. Wheelwright Bian said: Are those men still alive? The Duke said: They are already dead. Bian said: Then what you are reading is merely the dregs of the sages. Duke Huan flushed with anger and said: I read a book; how dare a craftsman mock it? If you can explain yourself, well and good; if you cannot, you die. Wheelwright Bian said: Yes, I can explain. Let me explain by my own wheel-making. If I chip too fast, it is hard work and the spoke does not go in; if I chip too slowly, it is easy but not firm. When it is neither easy nor hard, responding to the hand and satisfying the mind, so that I reach the subtle point, I cannot teach it to my son, and my son cannot get it from me. That is why I am seventy and still making wheels in my old age. What the sages said is likewise something they carried within them; they exhausted themselves and died, and only the dregs remain for our ears. Hence Laozi said: The Way that can be spoken of is not the constant Way; the name that can be named is not the constant name]. The Literati know that the prison stands behind the court but do not know its business; they have heard of the business but do not know its tasks. Truly (the particle "fu" is pronounced "fu"): governing the people is like a master carpenter chopping (the character "zhuo" is pronounced "zhuo"); the axe is applied, and when the cut meets the ink line he stops. Grandee Du and Commandant Wang and their like [referring to Du Zhou and Wang Wenshu] measured people by the law and cut them off by punishment, and only then were bandits stopped and wickedness forbidden. So an archer relies on the situation, and a governor relies on the law [The chapter "Fan Lun" says: Laws and standards are used to judge the customs of the people and to regulate what is slow and what is urgent; tools and implements are made to follow the changes of the times and suit what is fitting. The sages made laws and the myriad things were regulated by them; the worthy set up rituals and the unworthy were bound by them. A people regulated by law cannot be asked to undertake far-reaching enterprises, and a man bound by ritual cannot be made to respond to change. One whose ear cannot tell clear from muddy sounds cannot be told to tune music, and one whose mind does not know the source of order and disorder cannot be told to make laws. One must have a uniquely hearing ear and a uniquely seeing eye before one can monopolize the Way and act on it. Yin changed Xia, Zhou changed Yin, and the Spring and Autumn period changed Zhou; the rituals of the Three Dynasties differed, so which antiquity should we follow? A great man makes, and his disciples follow. One who knows where law and government come from responds to the times and changes; one who does not know the source of law and government, though he follows antiquity, will end in disorder. The legal records of the present age change with the times, and ritual and righteousness alter with custom; yet scholars follow what came before and inherit old occupations, cling to books and keep to the old, teaching that without these there can be no order, like holding a square tenon and trying to fit a round mortise, and hoping for a good fit is hard indeed. Now the Confucians and Mohists praise King Wen and King Wu of the Three Dynasties but do not practice what they praise; they speak of what they do not carry out. They condemn the present age but do not reform it, and so they practice what they reject. Praising what they approve while practicing what they reject, they spend all day in anxious thought without benefit to government and wear out body and wit without helping their ruler. Now painters like to paint ghosts and demons and dislike drawing dogs and horses; why? Ghosts and demons never appear in the world, while dogs and horses can be seen every day. To save the endangered and set the disordered right takes wisdom; to praise the ancients, even a fool has more than enough. Therefore the sage kings did not practice a law that is not used, and did not listen to words that cannot be verified]. Yu and Xia used plainness, Yin and Zhou used refinement [Confucius said: The plainness of Yu and Xia and the refinement of Yin and Zhou were the utmost. In Yu and Xia refinement did not overcome plainness; in Yin and Zhou plainness did not overcome refinement], and in different times each was applied as suited. To try now to govern a worn-out people with the methods of an age of simplicity is like dawdling to rescue a drowning man or bowing and yielding to put out a fire [Han Fei said: Ancient and modern customs differ, and the new and the old need different preparations. To try to govern a people of an urgent age with lenient and slow government is like driving a savage horse without bridle or whip; this is the trouble of not knowing. The chapter "Qi Su Xun" says: When the age differs, affairs change; when the times move, customs alter. Therefore the sages judged the age and set up laws, and acted as the times required. That laws and standards differ does not mean they strive to be opposite; it is that the times differ. So one does not imitate the laws that have already been made, but imitates that by which laws are made, and that which makes laws shifts with transformation. The chapter "Fan Lun" says: In ancient times people were pure, craftsmen were sturdy, merchants were simple, and women were reserved, so government and teaching were easily transforming and customs were easily moved. In the present age virtue has declined and the people's ways have grown thin; to try to govern an already worn people with laws suited to simplicity is like driving a bolting horse with no bit or bridle and a stick-and-pin whip. In the past Shennong had no regulations and the people followed him; Tang and Yu had regulations but no punishments; the lord of Xia did not break his word, the men of Yin swore oaths, and the men of Zhou made covenants. By the present age, people endure disgrace and take insult lightly, covet gain and feel little shame; to try to govern them by the way of Shennong would surely end in disorder].
文學曰文王興而民好【去聲】善幽厲興而民好【去聲】暴非性之殊風俗使然也故商周之所以昌桀紂之所以亡也【齊俗訓曰湯入夏而用其法武王入殷而行其禮桀紂之所以亡而湯武之所以為治故剞劂銷鋸陳非良工不能以制木鑪橐埵坊設非巧冶不能以治金屠牛吐一朝解九牛而刀以剃毛庖丁用刀十九年而刀如新剖硎何則防於眾虛之間若夫規矩鉤防者此巧之具也而非所以巧也故瑟無雖師文不能以成曲徒則不能悲故悲之具也而非所以為悲也】湯武非得伯夷之民以治桀紂非得蹠【音質】蹻【音腳】之民以亂也故治亂不在於民【甘龍曰聖人不易民而教智者不變法而治】孔子曰聽訟吾猶人也必也使無訟乎無訟者難訟而聽之易夫【音扶】不治其本而事其末古之所謂愚今之所謂知【去聲】以棰【推上聲】楚正亂【棰杖也楚荊木也即今之荊子也】以刀筆正文【刀所以削書古者用牘故吏皆以刀筆隨】古之所謂賊今之所謂賢也【南華經曰三軍五兵之運徳之末也賞罰利害五刑之闢教之末也禮法度數治之末也鐘鼓之音羽旄之容樂之末也哭泣衰絰隆殺之服哀之末也泰族訓曰民交讓爭處卑委利爭受寡力事爭就勞日化上遷善而不知其所以然此治之上也利賞而勸善畏刑而不為非法令正於上而百姓服於下此治之末也上世養本而下世舉末此太平之所以不起也刑法志曰孔子曰古之知法者能省刑本也今之知法者不失有罪末矣又曰今之聽獄者求所以殺之古之聽獄者求所以生之與其殺不辜寜失有罪今之獄吏上下相驅以刻為明深者獲功名平者多患害諺曰鬻棺者欲嵗之疫非憎人慾殺之利在於人死也今治獄吏欲陷害人亦猶此矣原道訓曰體道者逸而不窮任數者勞而無功夫峭法刻誅者非霸王之業也棰策繁用者非致逺之術也】
The Literati said: When King Wen rose, the people loved goodness (the character "hao" is read in the departing tone); when Kings You and Li rose, the people loved violence ("hao" again in the departing tone). This was not a difference of nature but the result of custom. So the reasons the Shang and Zhou flourished and Jie and Zhou were ruined [the chapter "Qi Su Xun" says: Tang entered Xia and used its laws, and King Wu entered Yin and practiced its rituals; yet these are the very things by which Jie and Zhou perished and by which Tang and Wu brought order. Chisels, knives and saws may be laid out, but without a skilled craftsman wood cannot be shaped; furnaces, bellows and molds may be set up, but without a clever smith metal cannot be worked. A butcher in one morning dismembered nine oxen and his knife could still shave hair; Cook Ding used his knife for nineteen years and it was as if freshly ground. Why? He roamed among the empty spaces. As for compass, square, hook and line, these are the tools of skill, not that by which skill is made. So a zither without strings could not produce a tune even from Shi Wen; strings alone cannot make sorrow, for strings are the tool of sorrow and not that by which sorrow is made]. Tang and Wu did not get the people of Boyi to govern, nor did Jie and Zhou get the people of Zhi (the character "zhi" is pronounced "zhi") and Qiao (pronounced "jiao") to throw into disorder. So order and disorder do not depend on the people [Gan Long said: The sage does not change the people in teaching them, and the wise do not change the law in governing]. Confucius said: In hearing lawsuits I am like anyone else; what is needed is to make sure there are no lawsuits. To have no lawsuits is hard; to have lawsuits and hear them is easy. Truly ("fu" pronounced "fu"): to neglect the root and busy oneself with the branches is what the ancients called foolish and what people now call wise ("zhi" read in the departing tone). To set disorder right with the rod ("chui" read in the rising tone) and the thorn ["chui" is the staff, and "chu" is the thorn wood, today's "jingzi"], to correct writing with knife and brush [the knife was used to scrape books; in ancient times bamboo slips were used, so officials all carried knife and brush with them] is what the ancients called villainy and what people now call worthy [the Zhuangzi says: The movements of armies and the five weapons are the branch of virtue; rewards, punishments, profit and harm, and the penalties of the five punishments are the branch of teaching; ritual, law, standards and numbers are the branch of government; the sound of bells and drums and the display of feathers and banners are the branch of music; weeping, mourning garb and the grades of mourning dress are the branch of grief. The chapter "Tai Zu Xun" says: When the people yield to each other and compete to take the lower place, abandon profit and compete to receive less, work hard and compete to take the toil, and daily they are transformed toward the good without knowing why, this is the highest order of government. To encourage goodness by reward and profit, and to refrain from wrongdoing out of fear of punishment, so that laws and orders are upright above and the people submit below, is the lowest order of government. The earlier ages nourished the root and the later ages promoted the branches; this is why great peace does not arise. The Treatise on Punishments says: Confucius said: Those who knew the law in antiquity were able to reduce punishment, and this is the root; those who know the law now fail to miss any guilty man, and this is the branch. It also says: Those who hear cases today seek ways to condemn the accused to death; those who heard cases in antiquity sought ways to keep them alive. Better to let a guilty man escape than to kill an innocent. The prison officials of today drive each other on from above and below, taking harshness as discernment; those who are severe win fame and rank, while those who are fair meet with trouble and harm. A proverb says: The coffin seller hopes for plague every year, not because he hates people and wants them killed, but because his profit lies in people's deaths. The officials who judge cases and want to ensnare people are just like this. The chapter "Yuan Dao Xun" says: One who embodies the Way is at ease and never at a loss; one who relies on techniques toils without result. Steep laws and harsh executions are not the work of a hegemon or king, and the heavy use of rod and whip is not the art of reaching far].
大夫曰俗非唐虞之時而世非許由之民而欲廢法以治是猶不用檼【音隠】栝【音括】斧斤欲撓【音鐃】曲直枉也【髙士傳曰許由字武仲堯舜皆師之與齧缺論堯而去隠乎沛澤之中堯舜乃致天下而讓焉曰十日並出而爝火不息其光也不亦難乎夫子為天子則天下治我由屍之吾自視缺然許由曰吾將為名乎名者實之賔吾將為賔乎乃去宿於逆旅之家旦而遺其皮冠巢父聞由為堯所讓以為汙乃臨池水而洗其耳池主怒曰何以汙我水由乃退而遯耕於中嶽潁水之陽箕山之下子貢曰夫檼栝之旁多枉木良醫之門多疾人砥礪之旁多頑鈍】故為治者不待自善之民為輪者不待自曲之木【韓非子曰夫必待自直之箭百世無矢待自圜之木千嵗無輪矣自直之箭自圜之木百世無有一然而世皆乘車射禽者何也檼栝之道用也雖有不恃檼栝而有自直之箭自圜之木良工弗貴也何則乗者非一人射者非一發也不恃賞罸而待自善之民明主弗貴也何則國法不可失而所治非一人也故有術之君不隨適然之善而行必然之道傳曰賢人易為民工巧易為材】徃者應【古本作杜】少伯正【古作百政】之屬潰梁楚昆【古本作堅】盧徐谷【古本作防漢紀又作勃】之徒亂齊趙山東闗內暴徒保人阻險【漢武紀曰天漢二年秋止禁巫祠道中者大捜泰山琅邪群盜徐防等阻山攻城道路不通遣直指使者暴勝之等衣繡衣杖斧分部逐捕刺史郡守以下皆伏誅冬十一月詔闗都尉曰今豪桀多逺交依東方群盜其謹察出入者酷吏傳曰自溫舒等以惡為治而郡守都尉諸侯二千石欲為治者其治大抵盡放溫舒而吏民亦輕犯法盜賊滋起南陽有梅免百政楚有殷中杜少齊有徐勃燕趙之間有堅盧範生之屬大群至數千人擅自號攻城邑取庫兵釋死罪縛辱郡太守都尉殺二千石為檄告縣趣具食小郡盜以百數掠滷鄉里者不可勝數也】當此之時不任斤斧折之以武而乃始設禮修文有似窮毉【音衣】欲以短針【音針】而攻疽孔丘以禮說【音稅】蹠【音質】也【南華經曰孔子徃見盜跖曰丘聞之凡天下有三徳生而長大美好無雙少長貴賤見而皆說之此上徳也知維天地能辨諸物此中徳也勇悍果敢聚眾率兵此下徳也凡人有此一徳者足以南面稱孤矣今將軍兼此三者身長八尺二寸面目有光唇如激丹齒如齊貝聲中黃鐘而名曰盜跖丘竊為將軍恥不取焉將軍有意聽臣臣請南使吳越北使齊魯東使宋衞西使晉楚使為將軍造大城數百里立數十萬戶之邑尊將軍為諸侯與天下更始罷兵休卒收養昆弟共祭先祖此聖人才士之行而天下之願也盜跖大怒曰丘之所言皆吾之所棄也亟去走歸無復言之子之道狂狂汲汲詐巧虛偽事也奚足論哉孔子再拜趨走出門上車執轡三失】
The Grandee said: The customs are not those of the age of Tang and Yu, and the people of this age are not the subjects of Xu You; yet you wish to govern by abolishing law, which is like wanting to bend the crooked and straighten the warped without using the straightening frame (the character "yin" is pronounced "yin" and "gua" is pronounced "gua"), the axe and the adze ("nao" is pronounced "nao") [the Biographies of Eminent Scholars says: Xu You, courtesy name Wuzhong, was taken as teacher by both Yao and Shun; he discussed Yao with Nie Que and then left, and went into hiding in the marshes of Pei. Yao and Shun then offered him the realm and yielded it to him, saying: When ten suns rise together, the torchlight does not go out; is its light not hard to see? If you, master, were Son of Heaven, the world would be well governed, yet I still occupy the seat, and I see myself as lacking. Xu You said: Am I to do this for the sake of a name? A name is the guest of reality; am I to be a guest? So he left, lodged at an inn, and the next morning left behind his leather cap. Chao Fu heard that You had been offered the realm by Yao, thought it defiling, and washed his ears at the pond. The owner of the pond was angry and said: Why do you foul my water? You then withdrew and went into hiding as a farmer south of the Ying River on Mount Zhong, below Mount Ji. Zigong said: Beside a straightening frame there are many crooked trees, at the door of a good physician there are many sick people, and beside a whetstone there are many dull blades]. So one who governs does not wait for people who are good of themselves, and one who makes wheels does not wait for wood that is bent of itself [Han Fei said: If one had to wait for arrows that were straight of themselves, there would be no arrows in a hundred generations; if one waited for wood that was round of itself, there would be no wheels in a thousand years. Not one in a hundred generations would have a self-straight arrow or a self-round piece of wood, yet everyone in the world rides in carts and shoots birds; why? Because the way of the straightening frame is used. Even if there were a self-straight arrow or self-round wood that did not depend on the frame, a good craftsman would not value it. Why? Because those who ride are not one person, and those who shoot do not shoot only once. Likewise, a wise ruler does not value a people who are good of themselves and do not need reward and punishment. Why? Because the law of the state cannot be lost, and those governed are not one person. So a ruler with method does not follow a goodness that happens by chance but practices the way that is certain. The tradition says: It is easy to be a worthy man's people, and easy to be a skilled man's material]. In earlier days Ying Shao and Bo Zheng [the old text reads "Du" for Shao, and "Bai Zheng" for Bo Zheng] and their kind broke through Liang and Chu, Kunlu [old text reads "Jian"] and Xu Gu [old text reads "Fang", and the Han Annals reads "Bo"] and their followers threw Qi and Zhao into disorder, and violent men east of the mountains and within the passes held strategic heights and dangerous places [the Annals of Emperor Wu of Han say: In the autumn of the second year of Tianhan, offerings by shamans on the roads were forbidden and a great search was made. Bands of robbers at Mount Tai and Langya, led by Xu Bo and others, held mountains and attacked cities, and the roads were cut. Special commissioners such as Bao Shengzhi, wearing embroidered robes and carrying axes, were sent out in divisions to hunt and arrest them, and officials from governors of provinces and commanderies down were executed. In the eleventh month of winter an edict was issued to the commandants of the passes: Now many powerful men have distant connections and rely on the bands of robbers in the east; examine carefully those who go in and out. The Biographies of Harsh Officials says: Since Wang Wenshu and others used cruelty to govern, the governors, commandants and other officials of the two-thousand-bushel rank who wished to govern all mostly imitated Wenshu, and both officials and people took the law lightly, and robbers arose more and more. In Nanyang there were Mei Mian and Bai Zheng, in Chu Yin Zhong and Du Shao, in Qi Xu Bo, and between Yan and Zhao Jian Lu, Fan Sheng and their like; large bands reached several thousand, took titles on their own authority, attacked cities, seized arsenals, released condemned prisoners, bound and humiliated provincial governors and commandants, killed two-thousand-bushel officials, and issued summonses telling the counties to hurry and prepare food; small bands of robbers numbered in the hundreds, and those who plundered villages could not be counted]. At such a time, to refrain from using the axe and adze, to refrain from breaking them with force, and instead to begin setting up ritual and cultivating refinement is like a poor physician (the character "yi" in "physician" is pronounced "yi") who hopes to attack an abscess with a short needle ("zhen" is pronounced "zhen"), or like Confucius trying to persuade Zhi with ritual ("shui" is pronounced "shui"; "zhi" is pronounced "zhi") [the Zhuangzi says: Confucius went to see Robber Zhi and said: I have heard that in all the world there are three kinds of virtue. To be born tall and great and handsome beyond compare, so that young and old, noble and humble all delight to see you, is the highest virtue; to have knowledge that embraces heaven and earth and the ability to distinguish all things is the middle virtue; to be brave, fierce and decisive, gathering a crowd and leading troops, is the lowest virtue. A man with any one of these virtues is fit to face south and call himself a lord. Now, General, you have all three: you are eight feet two inches tall, your face is bright, your lips are like cinnabar, your teeth are like a row of shells, your voice matches the Yellow Bell note, and yet you are called Robber Zhi; I privately feel ashamed on your behalf that you do not take another course. If you are willing to listen to me, I request to go south as envoy to Wu and Yue, north to Qi and Lu, east to Song and Wei, and west to Jin and Chu, and have them build for you a great city of several hundred li and set up a town of several hundred thousand households, honoring you as a feudal lord, making a new beginning with all under Heaven, disbanding the army and resting the soldiers, gathering and supporting your brothers, and together sacrificing to your ancestors. This is the conduct of a sage and a man of talent and what all under Heaven desire. Robber Zhi was furious and said: Everything you, Qiu, have said is what I have discarded. Go away quickly and return home, and speak no more of it. Your way is frantic and hurried, a matter of cunning and falsehood; what is worth discussing in it? Confucius bowed twice and hurried out, got into his carriage, and three times lost his grip on the reins].
文學曰殘材木以成室屋者非良匠也殘賤民人而欲治者非良吏也故公輸子因木之宜聖人不費民之性是以斧斤用刑罰不任政立而化成扁鵲攻於腠【音輳】理絶邪氣故癰疽不得成形聖人從事於未然故亂原無由生是以砭【音邉】石藏而不施法令設而不用【雜事篇曰扁鵲見齊桓侯立有間扁鵲曰君有疾在腠理不治將恐深桓侯曰寡人無疾扁鵲出桓侯曰醫之好利也欲治不疾以為功居十日扁鵲復見曰君之疾在肌膚不治將深桓侯不應扁鵲出桓侯不悅居十日扁鵲復見曰君之疾在腸胃不治將深桓侯不應扁鵲出桓侯又不悅居十日扁鵲復見望桓侯而還走桓侯使人問之扁鵲曰疾在腠理湯熨之所及也在肌膚針石之所及也在腸胃大劑之所及也在骨髓司平之所無奈何也今在骨髓臣是以無請也居五日桓侯體痛使人索扁鵲扁鵲已逃之秦矣桓侯遂死故良醫之治疾也攻之於腠理比事皆治之於小者也夫事之禍福亦有腠理之地故聖人早從事矣說山訓曰良醫者常治無病之病故無病聖人者常治無患之患故無患也】斷已然鑿已發者凡人也治未形覩未萌者君子也【荀卿曰夫殺人者死而相殺者無已是大辭可以懲未殺不能使天下無殺也傷人者刑而害物者不息是黥劓可以懼未刑不能使天下無刑也故將欲止之莫若先以徳化夫罪過彰著然後入於刑辟故刑之所制在於不可移之地禮教則不然明其善惡所以潛動其情清之於未殺也示之恥辱所以內愧其心治之於未傷也故過防而不至於著罪薄而不及於刑人間訓曰千里之隄以螻螘之穴漏百尋之屋以突隙之煙焚堯戒曰戰戰慄慄日慎一日人莫蹪於山而蹪於垤是故夫人者輕小害易防事以多悔患至而後憂之是由病者已惓而索良醫也雖有扁鵲俞跗之巧猶不能生也】
The Literati said: One who ruins timber to build a house is no good craftsman; one who ruins and degrades the people in order to govern them is no good official. Therefore Gongshu Zi followed the grain of the wood, and the sage did not waste the nature of the people. For this reason axes and hatchets were seldom used (the original has a rare character here, which by the sense should read "seldom"), punishments were not relied on, and when government was established, transformation by teaching was accomplished. Bian Que treated the illness while it lay in the cou (note on pronunciation: "cou" is read like "cou" in "cou li") texture of the skin and drove out the evil qi, so abscesses and boils could never take shape; the sage deals with matters before they come to be, so the sources of disorder have no way to arise. Therefore the bian (note on pronunciation: "bian" is read like "bian") stone lancet is stored away and not applied, and laws and decrees are laid down but not used [The chapter "Miscellaneous Matters" says: Bian Que met Marquis Huan of Qi and stood before him a while. Bian Que said: Your Lordship has an illness in the cou li; if it is not treated, I fear it will go deeper. Marquis Huan said: I have no illness. Bian Que withdrew. Marquis Huan said: Doctors love profit; they want to treat people who are not ill and take credit for it. Ten days later Bian Que came again and said: Your Lordship's illness is in the muscles and skin; if not treated it will go deeper. The Marquis did not answer. Bian Que withdrew, and the Marquis was displeased. Ten days later Bian Que came again and said: Your Lordship's illness is in the intestines and stomach; if not treated it will go deeper. The Marquis did not answer. Bian Que withdrew, and the Marquis was displeased again. Ten days later Bian Que came again, took one look at the Marquis, and turned and ran. The Marquis sent someone to ask why. Bian Que said: An illness in the cou li can be reached by hot compresses and ironing; in the muscles and skin, by needles and stone lancets; in the intestines and stomach, by strong decoctions; but in the marrow of the bones, even the Director of Fate can do nothing. Now it is in the marrow, so I have nothing to request. Five days later the Marquis's body ached, and he sent for Bian Que, but Bian Que had already fled to Qin. Marquis Huan then died. Thus a good doctor treats illness at the cou li; all matters are likewise treated while still small. The fortune and misfortune of affairs also have their cou li stage, so the sage acts early. The chapter "Discourse on Mount Shuo" says: A good doctor always treats the illness that is not yet an illness, and so there is no illness; a sage always handles the trouble that is not yet trouble, and so there is no trouble.]. One who judges what has already happened and chisels at what has already burst forth is an ordinary man; one who governs what has not yet taken form and sees what has not yet sprouted is a superior man [Xun Qing said: A murderer is put to death, yet killing each other never ends; the death penalty can deter those who have not yet killed, but it cannot make the world free of killing. One who injures others is punished, yet harm to others does not cease; branding and nose-cutting can frighten those not yet punished, but cannot make the world free of punishment. Therefore, if one wishes to stop these things, nothing is better than first transforming people by virtue. Only after offenses have become glaring do they enter the penal code, so what punishment controls lies in ground that can no longer be moved. Ritual teaching is not so: it makes clear good and evil, and so quietly moves people's feelings, clearing things up before killing happens; it shows them shame and disgrace, so that their hearts feel inward remorse, and it governs before injury happens. Thus faults stay slight (the original has "fang" here) and do not become glaring, and offenses stay minor and do not reach punishment. The chapter "Discourse on Human Affairs" says: A dike a thousand paces long leaks through an ant hole; a house a hundred fathoms high is burned by smoke from a chimney crack. Yao's admonition said: Be fearful and trembling, more careful with each passing day. No one stumbles over a mountain, but over a molehill. Therefore people make light of small harms and treat subtle (the original has "fang" here) matters as easy, and so incur much regret; only when trouble arrives do they worry, like a sick man already exhausted who sends for a good doctor, and even with the skill of Bian Que or Yu Fu he still could not be saved.].
大夫曰文學所稱聖知【去聲】者孔子也治魯不遂【孔子世家曰定公以孔子為中都宰一年四方皆則之由中都宰為司空由司空為大司冦定公十四年孔子年五十六由大司冦攝行相事於是誅魯大夫亂政者少正夘與聞國政三月粥羔豚者弗飾賈男女行者別於不拾遺四方之客至乎邑者不求有司皆予之以歸齊人聞而懼曰孔子為政必霸霸則吾地近焉我為之先並矣盍致地焉犂鉏曰請先嚐沮之沮之不可則致地庸遲乎於是選齊國中女子好者八十人皆衣文衣而舞康樂文馬三十駟遺魯君陳女樂文馬於魯城南髙門外季康子防服徃觀再三將受乃語魯君為周道遊觀終日怠於政事子路曰夫子可以行矣孔子曰魯今且郊如致膰於大夫則吾猶可止桓子卒受齊女樂三日不聽政郊又不致膰俎於大夫孔子遂行】見逐於齊【孔子世家曰齊景公問政於孔子孔子曰政在節財景公悅將欲以尼谿田封孔子晏嬰進曰夫儒者滑稽而不可軌法倨傲自順不可以為下崇喪遂哀破產厚葬不可以為俗遊説乞貸不可以為國自大賢之息周室既衰禮樂缺有間今孔子盛容飾繁登降之禮趨詳之節累世不能殫其學當年不能究其禮君欲用之以移齊俗非所以先細民也後景公敬見孔子不問其禮異日景公止孔子曰奉子以季氏吾不能以季孟之間待之齊大夫害孔子孔子聞之景公曰吾老矣不能用也明日遂行反乎魯】不用於衞【孔子世家曰孔子適衞主蘧伯玉家他日靈公問陳於孔子孔子曰俎豆之事則嘗聞之矣軍旅之事未之學也明日與孔子語見蜚鴈仰視之色不在孔子孔子遂行復如陳】遇圍於匡【詩傳曰孔子行匡人子將殺陽虎孔子似之帶甲以圍孔子舍子路慍怒奮防將下孔子止之曰由何仁義之寡裕也夫詩書之不習禮樂之不講是丘之罪也若吾非陽虎而以我為陽虎則非丘之罪也命也我歌子和若子路歌孔子和之三終而圍罷詩曰來游來歌以陳盛徳之和而無為也】困於陳蔡【南華經曰孔子窮於陳蔡之間七日不火食藜羮不糝顔色甚憊而歌於室顔回擇萊子路子貢相與言曰夫子再逐於魯削跡於衞伐樹於宋窮於商周圍於陳蔡殺夫子者無罪借夫子者無禁歌鼓琴未嘗絶音君子之無恥也若此乎顔回無以應入告孔子孔子推琴喟然而嘆曰由與賜細人也召而來吾語之子路子貢入子路曰如此者可謂窮矣孔子曰是何言也君子通於道之謂通窮於道之謂窮今丘抱仁義之道以遭亂世之患其何窮之為故內省而不窮於道臨難而不失其徳天寒既至霜雪既降吾是以知松柏之茂也陳蔡之隘於丘其幸乎孔子削然反琴而歌子路扢然執幹而舞子貢曰吾不知天之髙也地之下也古之得道者窮亦樂通亦樂所樂非窮通也道徳於此則窮通為寒暑風雨之序矣故許由娛於潁陽而共伯得乎丘首】夫【音扶】知時不用猶說強【音繦】也知困而不能已貪也不知見欺而徃愚也困辱不能死恥也若此四者庸民之所不為也何況君子乎商君以景監見應侯以王稽進【衞鞅傳曰商君衞鞅西入秦因孝公寵臣景監以求見孝公孝公既見衞鞅語數日不厭遂定變法之令範睢傳曰應侯範睢更名姓曰張祿王稽使於魏遂與範睢入咸陽已報使因言曰魏有張祿先生天下辯士也曰秦王之國危於累卵得臣則安然不可以書傳也臣故載來秦王未信範睢復自上書於是秦昭王大悅乃拜範睢為客卿】故士因士女因媒至其親顯非媒士之力【子路曰士不中道而見女無媒而嫁者君子不行也孟嘗君曰縷因針而入不因針而急嫁女因媒而成不因媒而親雜事篇曰宋玉因其友以見於楚襄王襄王待之無以異宋玉讓其友其友曰夫薑桂因地而生不因地而辛婦人因媒而嫁不因媒而親子之事王未耳何怨於我宋玉曰不然昔者齊有良兎曰東郭防蓋一旦而走五百里於是齊有良狗曰韓盧亦一旦而走五百里使之遙見而指屬則雖韓盧不及眾兎之塵若躡跡而縱緤則雖東郭防亦不能離今子之屬臣也躡跡而縱緤與遙見而指屬與詩曰將安將樂棄我如遺此之謂也説山訓曰因媒而嫁不因媒而成因人而交不因人而親行合趨同千里相從趨不合行不同對門不通】孔子曰進見而不以能徃者非賢士才女也
The Grand Master said: The one the Literati call a sage and wise man (note on pronunciation: "zhi" is read in the falling tone) is Confucius. Yet he did not succeed in governing Lu [The "Hereditary House of Confucius" says: Duke Ding made Confucius magistrate of Zhongdu, and within a year the four quarters took him as their model. From magistrate of Zhongdu he became Minister of Works, and from Minister of Works, Grand Minister of Justice. In the fourteenth year of Duke Ding, when Confucius was fifty-six, he acted as chief minister in his capacity as Grand Minister of Justice, and then executed Shaozheng Mao, the Lu grandee who was disordering the government. In the three months he took part in the affairs of state, sellers of lambs and piglets did not inflate their prices, men and women walking on the road kept to separate sides, nothing dropped on the road was picked up (the original has a rare character here, which by the sense should read "road"), and guests from the four quarters who arrived in the city did not need to seek out officials, and were all provided for and sent home. The people of Qi heard of it and were afraid, saying: If Confucius governs, Lu will surely become hegemon, and if Lu becomes hegemon, our territory lies close by; we will be the first annexed. Why not cede some land to them? Li Zu said: Let us first try to obstruct him; if obstruction fails, we will cede land, and what will be lost by delay? So they selected eighty beautiful women of Qi, all dressed in embroidered robes, who danced the Kangle dance, along with thirty teams of four patterned horses, and presented them to the Lord of Lu, setting out the female musicians and patterned horses outside the High Gate south of the city of Lu. Ji Kangzi went three times in disguise (the original has "fang" here) to look, and when he was about to accept, he told the Lord of Lu to tour the Zhou way and watch the whole day, and the Lord grew lazy about affairs of state. Zilu said: Master, we can leave now. Confucius said: Lu is about to perform the suburban sacrifice; if they send the sacrificial meat to the grandees, I can still stay. In the end Huan Zi accepted the Qi female musicians, did not attend to government for three days, and at the suburban sacrifice did not send sacrificial meat to the grandees, so Confucius left.], was driven out of Qi [The "Hereditary House of Confucius" says: Duke Jing of Qi asked Confucius about government. Confucius said: Government lies in economy of expenditure. The Duke was pleased and wished to enfeoff Confucius with the fields of Nixi. Yan Ying came forward and said: The Confucians are glib and cannot be made a model of law; they are arrogant and self-willed and cannot be made subordinates; they exalt mourning and indulge grief, and ruin families with lavish burials, so they cannot be made custom; they wander about persuading and borrowing, so they cannot be used to run a state. Since the great sages passed away, the house of Zhou has declined, and rites and music have been lacking for some time. Now Confucius makes a great display of dress and ornament, elaborates the rites of ascending and descending, and the measured steps of quick walking; many generations could not exhaust his learning, and a whole lifetime could not master his rites. Your Lordship wishes to use him to change the customs of Qi, but this is not how to put the common people first. Afterwards Duke Jing received Confucius respectfully but did not ask about his rites. Another day Duke Jing detained Confucius and said: To treat you as the Ji clan was treated, I cannot; I will treat you at a level between the Ji and the Meng. The grandees of Qi wished to harm Confucius, and Confucius heard of it. Duke Jing said: I am old and cannot use you. The next day Confucius left and returned to Lu.], was not employed in Wei [The "Hereditary House of Confucius" says: Confucius went to Wei and lodged at the house of Qu Boyu. Another day Duke Ling asked Confucius about battle formations. Confucius said: Matters of sacrificial vessels I have heard of; matters of armies I have not studied. The next day the Duke talked with Confucius, and on seeing a flying wild goose, looked up at it, his expression no longer on Confucius. Confucius then left and went again to Chen.], was besieged at Kuang [The "Commentary on the Odes" says: When Confucius travelled, the men of Kuang wanted to kill Yang Hu, and Confucius resembled him, so they put on armor and surrounded Confucius's lodging. Zilu was angry and indignant and, brandishing his halberd (the original has "fang" here), was about to go out. Confucius stopped him and said: You, how little there is of your benevolence and righteousness! If the Odes and Documents are not practiced and rites and music are not taught, that is the fault of Qiu; but if I am not Yang Hu and they take me for Yang Hu, that is not Qiu's fault, it is fate. I will sing, and you join me. Zilu sang, Confucius joined in, and after three songs the siege was lifted. The Odes say: Come and roam, come and sing, to display the harmony of abundant virtue and non-action.], and was hard pressed between Chen and Cai [The "Nanhua Jing" says: Confucius was in dire straits between Chen and Cai; for seven days he had no cooked food, there was not a grain of rice in his goosefoot soup, and his complexion was very weary, yet he played the zither and sang in his room (the original has a rare character here, which by the sense should read "zither string"). Yan Hui was picking vegetables, and Zilu and Zigong said to each other: The Master was driven out of Lu twice, had his traces erased in Wei, had the tree cut down over him in Song, was reduced to want in Shang and Zhou, and was besieged between Chen and Cai; whoever kills the Master is not guilty, whoever treads on the Master is not forbidden, and yet he never stops playing and singing; is this how shameless a superior man can be? Yan Hui had no reply and went in to tell Confucius. Confucius put aside his zither, sighed, and said: You and Ci are petty men. Call them in, and I will speak to them. Zilu and Zigong came in. Zilu said: To be in such a state can be called dire straits. Confucius said: What are you saying! One who is open to the Way is said to be successful, and one who is blocked from the Way is said to be in straits. Now I embrace the Way of benevolence and righteousness and meet the troubles of a chaotic age; how can that be called straits? Therefore, if on self-examination I am not blocked from the Way, and in facing hardship I do not lose my virtue, then when the cold has come and frost and snow have fallen, I know thereby the flourishing of the pine and cypress. That the narrow pass between Chen and Cai has come upon me, is it not perhaps a stroke of luck? Confucius briskly took up his zither again and sang, and Zilu eagerly seized a shield and danced. Zigong said: I did not know the height of Heaven or the depth of Earth. Those of old who attained the Way were happy in straits and happy in success; what they enjoyed was neither straits nor success; where the Way and virtue are, hardship and success are just the sequence of cold and heat, wind and rain. Therefore Xu You took his pleasure at Yingyang, and Gong Bo found his place on Qiushou.]. The opening particle fu (note on pronunciation: "fu" is read like "fu"): To know that the time does not want you and yet keep persuading is stubbornness (note on pronunciation: "qiang" is read like "qiang"); to know you are in straits and yet be unable to stop is greed; to go without knowing you will be deceived is folly; to endure humiliation and be unable to die is shame. Of these four, ordinary people would do none; how much less a superior man? Lord Shang was received through Jing Jian, and the Marquis of Ying was advanced through Wang Ji [The "Biography of Wei Yang" says: Lord Shang, Wei Yang, went west into Qin and sought an audience with Duke Xiao through the Duke's favorite minister Jing Jian. After Duke Xiao had received Wei Yang, he talked with him for days without tiring, and so decided on the decrees of reform. The "Biography of Fan Sui" says: The Marquis of Ying, Fan Sui, changed his name to Zhang Lu. Wang Ji was sent on a mission to Wei and so went with Fan Sui into Xianyang. After reporting on his mission, he said: In Wei there is a Master Zhang Lu, a persuader without equal in the world, who says the state of the King of Qin is in greater danger than a pile of eggs, and that with him it would be secure, but this cannot be conveyed by letter, so I have brought him here in my carriage. The King of Qin did not yet believe him. Fan Sui again submitted a memorial himself. Then King Zhaoxiang of Qin was greatly pleased and appointed Fan Sui a guest minister.]. Thus a gentleman relies on a gentleman, a woman relies on a matchmaker, but when it comes to closeness and eminence, it is not due to the strength of the matchmaker or the gentleman [Zilu said: A gentleman who has an audience not by the proper way, and a woman who marries without a matchmaker, the superior man does not do. Lord Mengchang said: Thread enters by means of a needle, but not by the needle's speed; a daughter is married by means of a matchmaker, but not made close by the matchmaker. The chapter "Miscellaneous Matters" says: Song Yu, through his friend, had an audience with King Xiang of Chu, but the King treated him no differently. Song Yu reproached his friend. The friend said: Ginger and cassia grow from the earth, but they are not pungent because of the earth; a woman marries through a matchmaker, but is not close to her husband because of the matchmaker. You have not yet served the King well, so why blame me? Song Yu said: Not so. In the past Qi had a fine hare called Dongguo Jun, which in a single day could run five hundred li; Qi had a fine hound called Han Lu, which in a single day could also run five hundred li. If you let them see the hares from afar and merely point, then even Han Lu could not catch the dust of the hares; but if you follow the tracks and slip the leash, then even Dongguo Jun cannot escape. Now your recommendation of me is like slipping the leash after following the tracks, or like pointing from afar? The Odes say: Peaceful and happy, yet you cast me off like something left behind. This is what is meant. The chapter "Discourse on Mount Shuo" says: A marriage comes about through a matchmaker, but is not completed by the matchmaker; friendships are made through people, but closeness does not come from those people. When conduct matches and inclinations are the same, people follow each other a thousand li; when inclinations do not match and conduct differs, neighbors across a door never communicate.]. Confucius said: One who comes forward to an audience without his own ability to go there is neither a worthy gentleman nor a talented woman.
文學曰孔子生於亂世思堯舜之道東西南北灼頭濡足庶幾世主之悟悠悠者皆是君闇大夫妬孰合有媒【詩傳曰孔子抱聖人之心彷徨乎道徳之域逍遙乎無形之鄉倚天理觀人情明始終知得失故興仁義厭勢利以持養之於是周室防王道絶諸侯力政強刼弱眾暴寡百姓靡安莫之紀綱禮儀廢壊人倫不理於是孔子自東自西自南自北匍匐救之】是以嫫【音模】母飾姿而矜誇【通作誇】西子彷徨而無家【呂氏春秋曰人之於色也無不知説美者而美者未必遇也故嫫母執乎黃帝黃帝曰屬女徳而弗忘與女工而弗衰雖惡奚傷拾遺記曰越有美女夷光以貢於吳吳處以椒華之房貫細珠為簾幌朝下以蔽景夕卷以待月夷光當軒理鏡靚妝於珠幌之內竊觀者莫不動心驚魂謂之神人蕭綺曰夷光即西施之別名也楚辭曰西施媞媞而不得見嫫母勃屑而日侍語曰嫫母衣錦西施負薪】非不知窮厄而不見用悼痛天下之禍猶慈母之伏死子也知其不可如何然惡【音烏】已故適齊景公欺之適衞靈公簡之適陳匡人圍之適蔡桓魋害之【孔子世家曰孔子去曹適宋與弟子習禮大樹下宋司馬桓魋欲殺孔子防其樹弟子曰可以速矣孔子曰天生徳於予桓魋其如予何】適楚子西謗之夫【音扶】欺害聖人者愚惑也傷毀聖人者狂狡也狡惑之人非人也夫【音扶】何恥之有孟子曰觀近臣者以所為主觀逺臣者以其所主使聖人偽容苟合不論行【去聲】擇友則何以為孔子也大夫憮然內慙四據而不言當此之時順風承意之士如編口張而不歙【音吸】舉舌而不下闇然而懐重負而見責大夫曰諾膠車修逢雨請與諸生解
The Literati said: Confucius was born in a chaotic age and longed for the Way of Yao and Shun; he roamed east, west, south, and north, with his head scorched and his feet soaked, hoping the rulers of the age might awaken. Yet those carrying on were all the same, the rulers were dark and the grandees jealous; who was there to serve as a matchmaker for him [The "Commentary on the Odes" says: Confucius held the heart of a sage and wandered in the realm of the Way and virtue, roamed freely in the land of the formless, relied on the principle of Heaven, observed human feelings, understood beginnings and ends, and knew gain and loss, and so he promoted benevolence and righteousness and loathed power and profit in order to uphold and nurture people. At that time the house of Zhou was declining (the original has "fang" here), the kingly Way was cut off, the feudal lords contended by force, the strong coerced the weak, the many oppressed the few, the hundred families had no peace, there was no one to set order and rule, rites and proprieties were ruined, and human relations were in disorder. Then Confucius went east, west, south, and north, crawling on hands and knees to save them.]. Therefore the ugly woman Mo (note on pronunciation: "mo" is read like "mo") Mu adorned herself and boasted, while Xi Zi wandered without a home [The "Spring and Autumn Annals of Lu Buwei" says: As to beauty, there is no one who does not know to take pleasure in it, yet the beautiful do not necessarily meet with good fortune. Thus Mo Mu was held in the hand of the Yellow Emperor, and the Yellow Emperor said: I entrust you with virtue and will not forget it; I give you the work of women and it will not decline; though you are ugly, what harm is there? The "Records of Lost Matters" says: In Yue there was a beautiful woman, Yi Guang, who was presented as tribute to Wu; Wu lodged her in a pepper-flower chamber, with curtains strung with fine pearls, lowered in the morning to shut out the light and rolled up in the evening to await the moon. Yi Guang sat by the window arranging her mirror and made up her face inside the pearl curtains, and those who secretly watched were all moved in heart and startled in spirit and called her a divine being. Xiao Qi said: Yi Guang is another name for Xi Shi. The "Chu Ci" says: Xi Shi was graceful and yet could not be seen, while Mo Mu was ill-tempered and served daily. The saying goes: Mo Mu wears brocade while Xi Shi carries firewood.]. It was not that he failed to know that in hardship he would not be employed, but that he grieved over the calamities of the world, like a loving mother lying over her dead child, who knows nothing can be done and yet cannot bear (note on pronunciation: "wu" is read like "wu") to stop. Therefore, when he went to Qi, Duke Jing deceived him; when he went to Wei, Duke Ling slighted him; when he went to Chen, the men of Kuang besieged him; when he went to Cai, Huan Tui sought to harm him [The "Hereditary House of Confucius" says: Confucius left Cao and went to Song, and was practicing rites with his disciples under a great tree. Huan Tui, the Minister of War of Song, wanted to kill Confucius and pulled up (the original has "fang" here) the tree. His disciples said: We can leave quickly. Confucius said: Heaven bestowed virtue upon me; what can Huan Tui do to me?]; when he went to Chu, Zixi slandered him. The opening particle fu (note on pronunciation: "fu" is read like "fu"): Those who deceive and harm a sage are foolish and deluded; those who injure and defame a sage are wild and cunning. Cunning and deluded people are not really human, so fu (note on pronunciation: "fu" is read like "fu") what shame do they have? Mencius said: To judge ministers who are near the ruler, look at whom they receive as hosts; to judge ministers who are distant, look at whom they host. Had the sage feigned a pleasing face and drifted along with others, not discussing conduct (note on pronunciation: "xing" is read in the falling tone) or choosing friends, how could he have been Confucius? The Grand Master looked dejected, inwardly ashamed, and sat looking all around without speaking. At this moment the men who followed the wind and bent to the ruler's will, lined up like strung tablets, had mouths agape that could not close (note on pronunciation: "xi" is read like "xi"), tongues raised that could not come down, and sat silent as if bearing a heavy burden and being blamed. The Grand Master said: Very well. A glued cart caught in the rain on the road; let us ask the scholars to break it up and let it go.
雜論第六十
客曰餘覩鹽鐡之義觀乎公卿文學賢良之論意指殊路各有所出或上【通作尚】仁義或務權利異哉吾所聞周秦粲然皆有天下而南面焉然安危長久殊世【張子曰周有天下八百年而滅秦有天下十四嵗而亡】始汝南朱子伯為予言當此之時豪俊並進四方輻輳【顔師古曰輳聚也言如車輻之聚於轂也】賢良茂陵唐生文學魯萬生之倫六十餘人鹹聚闕庭舒六藝之諷論太平之原知【去聲】者贊其慮仁者明其施勇者見其斷辯者陳其詞誾誾【誾音銀】焉侃侃焉【顔師古曰誾誾辯爭之貌侃侃剛直之貌】雖未能詳備斯可略觀矣然蔽於雲霧終廢而不行悲夫【音扶是時丞相車千秋御史大夫桑羊皆不悅文學賢良之議奏罷酒均輸而鹽鐡卒不變】公卿知任武可以闢【音闢】地而不知徳廣可以附逺知權利可以廣用而不知稼穡可以富國也近者親附逺者説【音悅】徳則何為而不成何求而不得不出於斯路而務畜利長【長音掌】威豈不謬哉中山劉子雍言王道矯當世復諸正務在乎反本直而不徼【徼音澆伺察之意也】切而不【音索】斌斌【音彬】然斯可謂博君子矣【顔師古曰斌斌文章之貌】九江祝生奮由路之意推史魚之節【詩傳曰孔子游於景山之上子路子貢顔淵從孔子曰君子登髙必賦小子願者何言其願丘將啟汝子路曰由願奮長防蕩三軍乳虎在後仇敵在前蠡躍蛟奮進救兩國之患孔子曰勇士哉他日孔子與子路子貢顔淵遊於戎山之上孔子喟然嘆曰二三子各言爾志予將覽焉由爾何如對曰得白羽如月赤羽如朱擊鐘鼔者上聞於天下槊於地使將而攻之惟由為能孔子曰勇士哉雜事篇曰衞靈公之時蘧伯玉賢而不用彌子瑕不肖而任事史防患之數以諌靈公而不聽史防病且死謂其子曰我即死治防於北堂吾不能進蘧伯玉而退彌子瑕是不能正君也生不能正君者死不當成禮置屍北堂於我足矣史防死靈公徃吊見防在北堂問其故其子具以父言對靈公蹴然易容寤然失位曰夫子生則欲進賢而退不肖死且不懈又以尸諫可謂忠而不衰矣於是乃召蘧伯玊而進之以為卿退彌子瑕徙防正堂成禮而後返衛國以治史防字子魚論語所謂直哉史魚者也】發憤懣【音悶】刺譏公卿介然直而不撓【音鐃曲也】可謂不畏強禦矣桑大夫據當世合時變推道術尚權利闢畧小辯【闢便僻也舉止輕偒也略智也方略計畫也】雖非正法然巨儒宿學惡【音烏】然大能自解【漢書作不能自解顔師古曰解釋也言理不出於羊也】可謂博物通士矣然攝卿相之位不引凖防以道化下放於利末【孔子曰放於利而行多怨顔師古曰放縱也謂縱心於利也】不師始古易曰焚如棄如處非其位行非其道果隕【音允】其姓以及厥宗【車千秋傳曰桑羊為御史大夫八年自以為國家興榷筦之利伐其功欲為子弟得官怨望霍光與上官桀等謀反遂誅滅】車丞相即周魯之列當軸處中括囊不言容身而去彼哉彼哉【易曰括囊無咎無譽顔師古田括結也言自閉慎如囊之括結也車千秋傳曰昭帝初即位未任聽政政事一決大將軍光千秋居丞相位謹厚有重徳每公卿朝防光謂千秋曰始與君侯俱受先帝遺詔令光治內君侯治外宜有以教督使光無負天下千秋曰唯將軍留意即天下幸甚終不肯有所言光以此重之論語曰或問子西孔子曰彼哉彼哉顔師古曰言彼人哉無足稱也】若夫【音扶】群丞相御史不能正議以輔宰相成同類長【音掌】同行【去聲】阿意苟合以説【音悅】其上斗筲之人道防之徒何足選哉【論語云子貢問曰今之從政者何如子曰斗筲之人何足算也顔師古曰筲竹器也容一斗算數也言其材器少劣不足數也桓寛此論托為客言總評議其得失也】
The Guest (Huan Kuan) said: Looking at the meaning of the Discourses on Salt and Iron, and at the arguments of the high ministers, the Literati and the Worthy and Good, I find their aims take different roads, each with its own source: some esteem [read as "shang"] benevolence and righteousness, others devote themselves to power and profit. How strange what I have heard! Zhou and Qin both gloriously held the realm and faced south as rulers, yet their safety and danger, their length of rule, differed by ages [Master Zhang said: Zhou held the realm for eight hundred years and then perished; Qin held it for fourteen years and was lost]. Zhu Zibo of Runan first told me: At that time heroes and talents advanced together and the four quarters converged like spokes on a hub [Yan Shigu said: "Cou" means to gather, saying they gathered as spokes meet at the hub]; more than sixty men, including the Worthy and Good Tang Sheng of Maoling and the Literatus Lu Wansheng, all assembled at the palace gate, unfolded the admonitions of the Six Arts, and discussed the origins of great peace. The wise ("zhi" read in the departing tone) praised their plans, the benevolent clarified their measures, the brave showed their decisiveness, and the eloquent set out their words, in manner both mild and frank [Yan Shigu said: "Yinyin" describes disputing, and "kankan" describes honest straightness]. Though it was not fully complete, one can get a rough view of it. Yet it was obscured as by clouds and mist, and in the end abandoned and not carried out; how sad [the character "fu" is pronounced "fu". At that time Chancellor Che Qianqiu and Imperial Counselor Sang Hongyang were both displeased with the proposals of the Literati and the Worthy and Good, and memorialized to end the liquor monopoly and the equalizing transport system, but the salt and iron monopolies were never changed in the end]. The high ministers knew that employing force could open up territory, but did not know that broad virtue can draw distant peoples; they knew that power and profit can enlarge revenues, but did not know that farming can enrich the state. If the near are attached and the far delighted ("shuo" pronounced "yue") in virtue, what would not be accomplished and what would one seek in vain? Not taking this road but striving to hoard profit and increase ("zhang" pronounced "zhang") authority, is that not mistaken! Liu Ziyong of Zhongshan spoke of the Kingly Way, correcting the age and restoring things to rectitude, devoted to returning to the root, straight but not prying ("jiao" is pronounced "jiao" and means to spy out), earnest but not demanding ("suo" pronounced "suo"), richly cultured ("bin" pronounced "bin"), so that one can call him a broad and learned gentleman [Yan Shigu said: "Binbin" describes elegance of writing]. Master Zhu of Jiujiang gave vent to the spirit of Zilu (You), upheld the integrity of Shi Yu [the Poetry Commentary says: Confucius was strolling on Mount Jing with Zilu, Zigong and Yan Yuan. Confucius said: A gentleman who climbs high must compose a poem; what do you wish, young men? Speak your wishes and I will open them up to you. Zilu said: I wish to wield a long halberd and sweep through the three armies, with a nursing tigress behind me and enemies before me, leaping like a serpent and rising like a dragon, advancing to save two states from calamity. Confucius said: A brave man! Another day Confucius strolled with Zilu, Zigong and Yan Yuan on Mount Rong, and Confucius sighed and said: Each of you tell your aim, and I shall look at them. Zilu, what of you? He replied: If I had white plumes like the moon and red plumes like cinnabar, and the sound of bells and drums above reached Heaven and below shook the earth, and I were sent to lead the attack, only I could do it. Confucius said: A brave man! The chapter "Miscellaneous Matters" says: In the time of Duke Ling of Wei, Qu Boyu was worthy but not employed, while Mi Zixia was unworthy yet held office. Shi Qiu was troubled by this and repeatedly remonstrated with Duke Ling but was not heeded. When Shi Qiu was ill and about to die, he told his son: When I die, do not hold the funeral in the main hall but in the north hall. I could not bring forward Qu Boyu and dismiss Mi Zixia, so I could not set my ruler right. One who cannot set his ruler right in life should not have a full funeral in death; lay my corpse in the north hall, and that will be enough for me. When Shi Qiu died, Duke Ling went to offer condolences and saw the bier in the north hall and asked why. The son told him all his father had said. The Duke started and changed countenance, rose from his seat in alarm and said: While alive, this gentleman wished to advance the worthy and dismiss the unworthy, and even in death he did not slacken, and he remonstrated with his corpse; one can call him loyal without fading. Then he summoned Qu Boyu and promoted him to be a minister, dismissed Mi Zixia, moved the bier to the main hall, completed the rites, and returned. The state of Wei was well governed thereby. Shi Qiu's courtesy name was Ziyu, he of whom the Analects says: How straight was Shi Yu], poured out his indignation ("men" pronounced "men") to criticize and satirize the high ministers, firmly upright and unbending ("nao" pronounced "nao", meaning bent), and one may say he did not fear the powerful. Grandee Sang relied on the present age and fitted himself to the changes of the times, promoted techniques and prized power and profit, and was glib and clever in minor argument ["bi" in "bianpi" means light and flippant in manner; "lue" means wisdom, strategy and planning]; though it was not the correct law, the great Confucians and old scholars fell silent ("wu" pronounced "wu") and could not themselves resolve it [the Book of Han has "could not resolve it". Yan Shigu said: "Jie" means explain, saying the reasoning did not go beyond Hongyang], so one may call him a man of broad knowledge and wide understanding. Yet holding the position of minister and chancellor, he did not draw the plumb line to transform those below by the Way, but gave himself up to the trifling gains of commerce [Confucius said: Acting in pursuit of profit brings much resentment. Yan Shigu said: "Fang" means to indulge, meaning to indulge the mind in profit], and did not take the ancients as his teachers. The Changes says: Burning, discarded. One who holds a place not his own and follows a way not his own will in the end lose his surname and bring ruin on his clan [the Biography of Che Qianqiu says: Sang Hongyang was Imperial Counselor for eight years; he thought he had made the state prosper through the monopoly of profits, boasted of his merit, wished to obtain office for his sons and younger relatives, resented Huo Guang, and plotted rebellion with Shangguan Jie and others, and was in the end executed and his clan wiped out]. Chancellor Che stood among the ranks of Zhou and Lu; he stood at the axle in the center but kept his bag tied and said nothing, tolerated his post and left; that man, that man! [The Changes says: With the bag tied up, no blame and no praise. Yan Shigu said: "Kuo" means tie, meaning he closed himself in caution like a tied bag. The Biography of Che Qianqiu says: When Emperor Zhao first took the throne he was not yet able to attend to government, and affairs were all decided by the General-in-Chief Guang. Qianqiu, in the chancellor's seat, was careful and honest and weighty in virtue. At each assembly of the high ministers Guang would say to Qianqiu: We two received the late emperor's will together, bidding me manage the inner court and you, my lord, the outer; you should give guidance and supervision so that I do not fail the realm. Qianqiu said: If only the General will give it his attention, it will be a great blessing for the realm. He never would say anything. Guang valued him for this. The Analects says: Someone asked about Zixi. Confucius said: That man, that man! Yan Shigu said: Saying "that man" means he is not worth praising]. As for the rest (the particle "fu" pronounced "fu"): the various chancellors and imperial counselors could not give correct counsel to assist the prime ministers, but made common cause with those like themselves and fostered ("zhang" pronounced "zhang") the same conduct ("xing" read in the departing tone), bending their will to flatter and delight ("shuo" pronounced "yue") their superior; they were petty men of a peck-and-a-bushel capacity, followers of the way of flattery, and what is there to choose in them? [The Analects says: Zigong asked: What of those who now take part in government? The Master said: They are men of a peck and a bushel; what is there to reckon in them? Yan Shigu said: "Shao" is a bamboo vessel holding a peck; "suan" means to count. It says their talent and capacity are small and poor and not worth counting. This discussion by Huan Kuan is put in the mouth of the Guest, giving an overall assessment of their gains and losses.]
