Yan Tie Lun (鹽鐵論) · Volume 28

大夫曰匈奴無城郭之守溝池之固修防強弩之用倉廩府庫之積上無義法下無文理君臣嫚【音慢】易上下無禮織栁為室旃【音氊】廗【音帶】為葢素弧【音胡】骨鏃馬不粟食內則備不足畏外則禮不足稱夫【音扶】中國天下腹心賢士之所總禮義之所集財用之所殖也【殖生長也】夫【音扶】以知【去聲】謀愚以義伐不義若因秋霜而振落葉春秋曰桓公之與戎狐驅之爾況以天下之力乎【春秋曰齊人伐山戎公羊傳曰此齊侯也其稱人何貶也曷為貶子司馬子曰葢以操之為已蹙矣此葢戰也何以不言戰春秋敵者言戰桓公之與戎狄驅之耳江統曰周室失統諸侯専徵以大兼小轉相殘滅封疆不固而利害異心戎狄乘間得入中國或招誘安撫以為巳用故巾繒之禍顛覆宗周襄公要秦遽興姜戎當春秋時義渠大荔居秦晉之域陸渾隂戎處伊洛之間鄋瞞之屬害及濟東侵入齊宋陵虐邢衞南夷與北戎交侵中國不絶如線齊桓攘之存亡繼絶北伐山戎以開燕路故仲尼稱管仲之力嘉左袵之功】

The Grand Secretary said: The Xiongnu have no city walls to defend and no moats to rely on, no use of long halberds (the original reads 'xiu fang') and strong crossbows, no stores of granaries and treasuries; above there are no righteous laws and below no patterns and principles, ruler and minister are disrespectful (the original gives the pronunciation 'man'), and high and low have no ritual. They weave willow for houses, use felt (the original gives the pronunciation 'zhan') mats (the original gives the pronunciation 'dai') for canopies, plain bows (the original gives the pronunciation 'hu') with bone arrowheads, and their horses are not fed grain. Within, their preparations are not worth fearing, and without, their ritual is not worth praising. 'Fu' at the start of the sentence (the original gives the pronunciation 'fu'): The Central States are the heart of the world, where worthy scholars gather, ritual and righteousness are concentrated, and wealth and goods are multiplied [multiply means to grow]. 'Fu' at the start of the sentence (the original gives the pronunciation 'fu'): To use wisdom (the original gives the falling tone for 'zhi') against folly, and to attack the unrighteous with righteousness, is like shaking down fallen leaves with autumn frost. The Spring and Autumn Annals says: Duke Huan's dealings with the Rong and Di were only driving them off. How much more with the strength of the whole world [the Spring and Autumn Annals says: The men of Qi attacked the Shanrong. The Gongyang commentary says: This was the Marquis of Qi; why does it say 'men'? It is a demotion. Why a demotion? Master Sima said: Probably because the handling was already pressed. This was a battle, so why does it not say battle? The Annals says 'battle' for equal opponents. Duke Huan's dealings with the Rong and Di were only driving them off. Jiang Tong says: When the Zhou house lost its unity, the feudal lords campaigned on their own, the large annexed the small and took turns destroying one another, the borders were not secure and interests and loyalties differed, so the Rong and Di took advantage of gaps to enter the Central States, or were lured and soothed to be used for themselves. So the disaster of Shen and Zeng (the original reads 'jin Zeng') overturned the Zhou house, and Duke Xiang's pact with Qin suddenly raised the Jiang Rong. In the Spring and Autumn period, the Yiqu and Dali dwelt in the lands of Qin and Jin, the Luhun and Yin Rong lived between the Yi and Luo, and the Soumen and others harmed lands east of the Ji, invaded Qi and Song, and oppressed Xing and Wei, the southern Yi and northern Rong invaded together, and the Central States hung on by a thread. Duke Huan of Qi drove them out, preserved the perished and continued the broken lines, and attacked the Shanrong in the north to open the road to Yan. So Zhongni praised Guan Zhong's strength and approved his achievement against those with left-fastened robes.].

文學曰匈奴車器無銀黃絲漆之飾素成而務堅絲無文采裙褘【音揮】曲襟之制都成而務完男無刻鏤竒巧之事宮室城郭之功女無綺繡淫巧之貢纎綺羅紈【音丸】之作事省而致用易成而難雖無修防強弩戎馬良弓家有其備人有其用一旦有急貫【音官】弓上馬而已【貫穿也又聨續也】資糧不見【音現】案首而支數十日之食因山谷為城郭因水草為倉廩法約而易辦求寡而易供是以刑省而不犯指麾而令從嫚【音慢】於禮而防於信略於文而敏於事故雖無禮義之書刻骨卷衣百官有以相記而君臣上下有以相使【匈奴傳曰匈奴居於北邊隨畜牧而轉移逐水草遷徙毋城郭常處耕田之業然亦各有分地毋文書以言語為約束】群臣為縣官計者皆言其易而實難是以秦欲驅之而反更亡也【嚴尤曰匈奴為害所從來久矣未聞上世有必徵之者也後世三家周秦漢徵之然皆未有得上防者也周得中策漢得下防秦無防焉秦始皇不忍小忿而輕民力築長城之固延袤萬里轉輸之行起於負海疆境既完中國內竭以喪社稷是為無策】故兵者兇器不可輕用也其以強為弱以存為亡一朝爾也【劉安曰兵者凶事一方有急四而皆從恐變故之生奸邪之作由此始也周易曰髙宗伐方三年而克之方小蠻夷髙宗殷之盛天子也以盛天子伐小蠻夷三年而後克言用兵之不可不重也主父偃曰怒者逆徳也兵者兇器也爭者末節也古之人君一怒必伏屍流血故聖王重行之夫務戰勝窮武事者未有不悔者也鼂錯曰兵兇器戰危事也以大為小以彊為弱在俛仰之間耳】

The Literati said: The Xiongnu have no ornaments of silver, gold, silk or lacquer on their chariots and implements; plain made and devoted to strength; their silk has no patterned decoration, no skirts or robes (the original gives the pronunciation 'hui') with curved lapels, all made and devoted to being complete. Their men have no work of carving and rare skill, no labor of palaces and city walls, and their women have no tribute of embroidered silks and licentious skill, no works of fine damask, gauze and plain silk (the original gives the pronunciation 'wan'). Affairs are simple and bring use, easy to make and hard to wear out (the character here in the original was lost in transcription). Though they do not have long halberds (the original reads 'xiu fang') and strong crossbows, war horses and fine bows, every household has its preparations and every person his use, and when an emergency suddenly comes, they just string (the original gives the pronunciation 'guan') the bow and mount the horse [string means to pierce, and also to connect]. Their provisions are not seen (the original gives the pronunciation 'xian') on the table and yet they supply food for dozens of days; they use mountains and valleys as city walls and water and grass as granaries; the law is concise and easy to do, the demands are few and easy to supply. So punishments are few and not violated, a signal commands and orders are followed, they are casual (the original gives the pronunciation 'man') about ritual but generous (the original reads 'fang') about good faith, brief in ornament but quick in affairs. So though they have no books of ritual and righteousness, carving bones and rolling clothes serves for the hundred officials to keep records, and ruler and subject, high and low, have the means to command each other [the 'Account of the Xiongnu' says: The Xiongnu live in the northern borders and move with their livestock, migrating after water and grass, without city walls or a settled home or the work of farming, yet each has an allotted ground; they have no written documents and use spoken words as bonds.]. The ministers who plan for the government all say it is easy but in fact it is hard, so Qin wanted to drive them off but instead perished the more [Yan You says: The harm from the Xiongnu has been going on a long time, and I have not heard of any earlier age having a certain plan of campaign. In later ages three houses, Zhou, Qin and Han, campaigned against them, but none got the best plan (the original reads 'shang fang'). Zhou got the middle plan, Han got the lower plan (the original reads 'xia fang'), and Qin had no plan (the original reads 'wu fang'). The First Emperor of Qin could not bear a small resentment and lightly used the people's strength, built the firm Great Wall stretching ten thousand li, and the transport line began at the sea; when the borders were complete, the Central States were drained within and lost their altars; this is having no plan.]. So weapons are tools of ill omen, not to be used lightly. To turn strength into weakness and survival into ruin takes only a single morning [Liu An says: War is an ill-omened affair; when one place is in emergency, all four sides follow, and I fear the rise of upheavals and the work of treacherous and wicked people began from this. The Book of Changes says: Gaozong attacked the Guifang (the character here in the original was lost in transcription) and conquered it only after three years. The Guifang was a small barbarian people, and Gaozong was a flourishing Son of Heaven of Yin. For a flourishing Son of Heaven to attack a small barbarian people and conquer them only after three years means that the use of troops must not be taken lightly. Zhufu Yan says: Anger is contrary to virtue, weapons are tools of ill omen, and strife is a trivial end. When an ancient ruler was angry, corpses were bound to lie and blood to flow, so sage kings were careful in acting. Those who strive to win battles and exhaust military affairs have never failed to regret it. Chao Cuo says: Weapons are tools of ill omen, and war is a dangerous matter. To turn the great into the small and the strong into the weak takes only a moment.].

大夫曰魯連有言秦權使其士虜使其民【司馬貞曰秦人以權詐使其戰士以奴虜使其人民言無恩以恤下也】故政急而不長髙皇帝受命平暴亂功徳巍巍惟天同大焉而文景承緒潤色之及先帝徵不義攘無徳以昭仁聖之路純至徳之基聖王累年仁義之積也今文學引亡國失政之治而況之於今其謂匈奴難圖宜矣【驃騎將軍霍去病徵匈奴立克勝之功吾丘夀王作士大夫之論稱武帝之徳曰士或問於大夫曰側聞強秦之用兵也南不逾五嶺北不渡大河海內愁怨以喪其國漢興六十餘載矣命將帥以抗憤用干戈於四荒南排朱崖北建朔方東越滄海西極河源拓地萬里海內晏然鄙人不識敢問其蹤大夫曰昔秦之得天下也以力而不以徳以詐而不以誠內用商鞅李斯之謀外用白起王翦之兵窺間伺隙既並海內之後以威力為至道以權詐為要術遂非唐笑虞絶滅舊章防禁文學行是古之戮嚴誹謗之誅十餘年遂滂沲而盈溢是故皇天疾滅更命大漢反秦政務在敦厚至今六世可謂富安天子文明四夷向風徒觀朝廷下僚門戶之士謀如湧泉動如駭機皆能安中國吞四夷君臣若茲何慮而不成何徵而不尅雖防泰山填滄海可也】

The Grand Secretary said: Lu Lian once remarked that Qin used its soldiers by means of trickery and drove its people like captives [Sima Zhen: the men of Qin used trickery to employ their fighting men and treated their people as slaves and prisoners, which means they had no kindness with which to care for those below]. That is why its government was harsh and did not last. Emperor Gao received the Mandate to put down violence and disorder; his merit and virtue were towering, as great as Heaven itself, and Emperors Wen and Jing inherited his work and refined it. Then the late emperor punished the unrighteous and drove back the lawless, illuminating the road of benevolence and sagehood and laying the foundation of perfect virtue; this was the accumulated benevolence and righteousness of the sage kings over many years. Now the Literati cite the governance of states that were lost and governments that failed, and compare it to the present day. It is no wonder that they call the Xiongnu hard to deal with [General of Agile Cavalry Huo Qubing campaigned against the Xiongnu and won decisive victories. Wuqiu Shouwang wrote a discourse of the Grand Secretary in praise of the virtue of Emperor Wu, saying: A scholar once asked the Grand Secretary: I have heard that when mighty Qin used its armies, in the south it did not cross the Five Ridges and in the north it did not cross the Great River, yet the people within the seas were full of grief and resentment and the state was lost. The Han has now risen for more than sixty years, and has appointed generals and commanders to take up arms in anger, using shields and spears in the four wildernesses: in the south it pushed open Zhuya, in the north it established Shuofang, in the east it passed beyond the blue sea, and in the west it reached the source of the River, extending the land ten thousand li, and all within the seas is tranquil. I am an ignorant man and do not understand; may I ask about the traces of this? The Grand Secretary said: In former times Qin won the world by force and not by virtue, by deceit and not by sincerity; within, it used the schemes of Shang Yang and Li Si, and without, the armies of Bai Qi and Wang Jian, spying out gaps and watching for openings. After it had united all within the seas, it took might as the supreme way and trickery as the essential art. It denied what was right, mocked Tang and Yu, wiped out the old statutes, forbade learning and literature, practised the old punishment of executing and exposing, and enforced strict penalties against slander. In a little over ten years it overflowed and was swept away. For this reason August Heaven hated it and destroyed it, and gave the Mandate anew to the great Han, which reversed the policies of Qin and made generosity and honesty its task. To this day, six generations on, the Han can be called wealthy and secure. The Son of Heaven is enlightened, and the four barbarian peoples turn toward him as grass bends to the wind. Look only at the men of the lower ranks at court: their plans gush like a spring and their actions are as swift as a released crossbow trigger, and all are able to pacify the Middle Kingdom and swallow up the four barbarians. With ruler and ministers like this, what plan could fail and what campaign could not be won? One could even level Mount Tai and fill up the blue sea. (The base text has a missing character here; from the parallel phrase about filling the blue sea the correct character cannot be fixed.)].

文學曰有虞氏之時三苖不服禹欲伐之舜曰是吾徳未喻也退而修政而三苖服【君道篇曰當舜之時有苖氏不服其所以不服者太山在其南殿山在其北左洞庭之波右彭蠡之川因此險也所以不服禹欲伐之舜不許曰諭教猶未竭也究論教焉而有苖氏請服天下聞之皆非禹之義而歸舜之徳】不牧之地不覊之民聖王不加兵不事力焉以為不足煩百姓而勞中國也【劉安曰自三代之盛胡越不與受正朔非彊弗能服威弗能制也以為不居之地不牧之民不足以煩中國也】今明王修聖緒宣徳化而朝【音潮】有權使之謀尚首功之事臣固怪之夫【音扶】人臣席天下之勢【席借也資也因也】奮國家之用身享其利而不顧其主此尉佗【音駝】章邯【音寒】所以成王秦失其政也【主父偃曰兵久則變生事苦則慮易乃使邉境之民靡敝愁苦而有離心將吏相疑而外市故尉佗章邯得以成其私也夫秦政之所以不行者權分乎二子此得失之效也故周書曰安危在出令存亡在所用】孫子曰今夫【音扶】國家之事一日更百變然而不亡者可得而革也逮出兵乎平原廣牧鼓鳴矢流雖有堯舜之知【去聲】不能更也戰而勝之退修禮義繼三代之跡仁義附矣戰勝而不休身死國亡者吳王是也【道應篇曰魏武侯問於李克曰吳之所以亡者何也李克對曰數戰而數勝武侯曰數戰數勝國之福其獨以亡何故也對曰數戰則民罷數勝則主防以防主使罷民而國不亡者天下鮮矣防則恣恣則極慮上下俱極吳之亡猶晚矣夫差之所以自剄於幹遂也故老子曰功成名遂身退天之道也】

The Literati said: In the age of the Lord of Yu, the Three Miao did not submit, and Yu wished to attack them. Shun said: It is because my virtue has not yet reached them. He withdrew and cultivated his government, and the Three Miao submitted [The chapter on the Way of the Ruler says: In Shun's time the Youmiao clan would not submit. The reason was that Mount Tai lay to their south and Mount Dian to their north, with the waves of Lake Dongting on their left and the waters of Lake Pengli on their right, and relying on these dangerous barriers they would not submit. Yu wished to attack them, but Shun did not permit it, saying: My teaching has not yet been exhausted. After he had discussed and taught thoroughly, the Youmiao asked to submit. When the world heard of it, all blamed Yu's rightness and turned to Shun's virtue]. Land that cannot be herded and people that cannot be bridled were not attacked by the sage kings, who did not exert force on them, considering that they were not worth troubling the common people and wearing out the Middle Kingdom [Liu An said: Since the flourishing of the Three Dynasties, the Hu and the Yue have not shared in receiving the calendar. This was not because the rulers were unable to subdue them by force or restrain them by might, but because they considered lands not fit for habitation and peoples who could not be herded not worth troubling the Middle Kingdom]. Now our enlightened ruler cultivates the sage's legacy and spreads moral transformation, yet at court (the character for court is read chao) there are schemes of expedient manipulation and an eagerness for the merit of taking heads. I certainly find this strange. As for the particle fu at the start of a sentence (read fu): a minister who occupies the advantage of the whole world [to occupy means to borrow, rely on, or take advantage of] and exerts the resources of the state, enjoying the profit himself without regard for his lord, is exactly how Wei Tuo (the character tuo is read tuo) and Zhang Han (the character han is read han) came to be kings while Qin lost its government [Zhufu Yan said: When armies stay out long, change arises; when affairs are bitter, plans change. Then the people of the border grow worn out and grieved and develop thoughts of leaving, and generals and officers suspect one another and trade with outsiders. That is how Wei Tuo and Zhang Han were able to accomplish their private ambitions. The reason Qin's government could not be carried out was that its power was divided between those two men. This is the proof of gain and loss. Therefore the Book of Zhou says: Safety and danger lie in issuing orders; survival and ruin lie in whom one employs]. Sunzi said: Now (the word is again fu, read fu) the affairs of a state may change a hundred times in a day, yet a state that does not perish can still be reformed; but once armies go out onto the open plains and broad pastures, and drums sound and arrows fly, even the wisdom of Yao and Shun (the character zhi is read in the falling tone) cannot change anything. If one wins the battle and then withdraws to cultivate ritual and righteousness, following the traces of the Three Dynasties, benevolence and righteousness will draw people near; but those who win battles without resting and end with their bodies dead and their states ruined are exemplified by the King of Wu [The chapter on Responses to the Way says: Marquis Wu of Wei asked Li Ke: Why did Wu perish? Li Ke replied: Because it fought many battles and won many times. The Marquis said: Many battles and many victories are the blessing of a state; why did Wu alone perish through them? He replied: Many battles wear out the people, and many victories make the ruler arrogant. It is rare that a state does not perish when an arrogant ruler employs worn-out people. Arrogance leads to wilfulness, and wilfulness exhausts all schemes; with those above and below both exhausted, Wu's perishing was in fact late. This is why Fuchai cut his own throat at Gansui. Therefore Laozi said: When merit is accomplished and name is made, to withdraw oneself is the Way of Heaven.].

大夫曰順風而呼者易為氣因時而行者易為力【子思曰順風而呼聲不加疾而聞者眾登丘而招臂不加長而見者逺故魚乘於水鳥乘於風草木乘於時叢談曰時不至不可強生也事不究不可強成也循流而下易以至倍風而馳易以逺因時易以為仁因道易以逹人】文武懐餘力不為後嗣計故三世而徳衰昭王南征死而不還【左傳曰齊侯以諸侯之師侵蔡蔡潰遂伐楚楚子使與師言曰君處北海寡人處南海唯是風馬牛不相及也不虞君之渉吾地也何故管仲對曰昔召康公命我先君太公曰五侯九伯女實徵之以夾輔周室賜我先君履東至於海西至於河南至於穆陵北至於無棣爾貢包茅不入王祭不共無以縮酒寡人是徴昭王南征而不復寡人是問對曰貢之不入寡君之罪也敢不共給昭王之不復君其問諸水濵師進次於陘拾遺記曰成康以降世禩陵衰昭王不能逺業垂聲教南遊荊楚義乖廵狩溺精靈於江漢且極於幸由水濵所以招問春秋以為深貶嗟二姬之殉死三良之貞節精誠一至視殞若生格之正道不如強諫楚人憐之失其死矣】凡伯囚執而使【去聲】不通【春秋曰天王使凡伯來聘戎伐凡伯於楚丘以歸公羊傳曰凡伯者何天子之大夫也此聘也其言伐之何執之也執之則其言伐之何大之也曷為大之不與夷狄之執中國也其地何大之也】晉取郊沛【春秋曰晉人圍郊左傳曰春王正月壬寅朔二師圍郊癸夘郊鄩潰丁未晉師在平隂王師在澤邑王使告間庚戌還公羊傳曰郊者何天子之邑也曷為不擊於周不與伐天子也】王師敗於茅戎【春秋曰王師敗績於茅戎左傳曰王人來告敗公羊傳曰孰敗之葢晉敗之或曰貿戎敗之然則曷為不言晉敗之王者無敵莫敢當也】今西南諸夷楚荘之後【西南夷傳曰始楚威王時使將軍荘蹻將兵狥江上略巴蜀黔中以西荘蹻者故楚荘王苖裔也蹻至滇池池方三百里旁平地肥饒數千裡以兵威定蜀楚欲歸報會秦擊奪楚巴黔中郡道塞不通因還以其眾王滇變服從其俗以長之】朝鮮之王燕之亡民也【朝鮮傳曰朝鮮王滿者故燕人也自始全燕時嘗略屬真畨朝鮮為置吏築障塞秦滅燕屬遼東外徼漢興為其逺難守復修遼東故塞至浿水為界屬燕燕王盧綰反入匈奴滿亡命聚黨千餘人魁結蠻夷服而東走出塞渡浿水居秦故空地上下鄣稍役屬真畨朝鮮蠻夷及故燕齊亡命者王之都王險會孝恵髙後時天下初定遼東太守即約滿為外臣保塞外蠻夷無使盜邉諸蠻夷君長欲入見天子勿得禁止以聞上許之以故滿得兵威財物侵降其旁小邑真畨臨屯皆來服屬方數千裡傳子至孫】南越尉佗【音駝】起中國自立為王徳至薄然皆亡天下之大各自以為一州倔【音掘】強倨敖【倔強梗戾貌】自稱老夫【南越傳曰南越王尉佗者真定人也姓趙氏秦時已並天下略定楊越置桂林南海象郡以謫徙民與越雜處十三嵗佗秦時為南海龍川令至二世時南海尉任囂病且死佗即移檄告橫浦陽山湟谿闗曰盜兵且至急絶道聚兵自守因稍法誅秦所置長吏以其黨為假守秦已破滅佗即擊並桂林象郡自立為南越武王閩越西甌駱役屬焉東西萬餘里廼乘黃屋左纛稱制與中國侔】先帝為萬世度恐有冀州之累南荊之患於是遣左將軍樓舩【音船】平之兵不血刃鹹為縣官也【漢武紀曰元鼎五年夏四月南越王相呂嘉反殺漢使者及其王王太后遣伏波將軍路博徳出桂陽下湟水樓舩將軍楊僕出豫章下湞水歸義越侯嚴為戈舩將軍出零陵下離水甲為下瀨將軍下蒼梧皆將罪人江淮以南樓舩十萬越馳義侯遺別將巴蜀罪人發夜郎兵下牂牁江鹹會畨禺六年冬十月行東將幸緱氏至左邑桐鄉聞南越破以為聞喜縣春至汲新中鄉得呂嘉首以為獲嘉縣馳義侯遺兵未及下上便令征西南夷下之遂定越地以為南海蒼梧鬱林合浦交趾九真日南珠厓儋耳郡定西南夷以為武都牂柯越嶲沈黎文山郡南越傳曰南越已平樓舩將軍以推鋒防堅為將梁侯自尉佗王凡五世九十三嵗而亡漢武紀曰元封二年夏朝鮮王攻殺遼東都尉廼募天下死罪擊朝鮮秋遣樓舩將軍楊僕左將軍荀彘將應募罪人擊朝鮮又遣將軍郭昌中郎將衞廣發巴蜀兵平西南夷未服者防為益州郡三年夏朝鮮斬其王右渠降防其地為樂浪臨屯莵真畨郡】七國之時皆據萬乘【去聲】南面稱王提珩【提舉也珩佩上玉也所以節行止也】為敵國累世然終不免首系虜於秦今匈奴不當【去聲】漢家之巨郡非有六國之用賢士之謀由此觀難易察然可見也

The Grand Secretary said: Calling with the wind behind one makes it easy to carry the voice, and acting in accord with the times makes it easy to apply strength [Zisi said: When one calls with the wind, the sound is no faster yet more people hear it; when one beckons from a hill, the arm is no longer yet it is seen from farther away. Thus fish ride on the water, birds ride on the wind, and plants ride on the seasons. The Collected Sayings says: What the time has not brought cannot be forced to grow, and what the matter has not ripened cannot be forced to succeed. Going downstream one arrives easily, and galloping with the wind behind one goes far with ease. Following the time makes it easy to practise benevolence, and following the Way makes it easy to reach others]. Kings Wen and Wu kept some strength in reserve and made no plans for their descendants, so after three generations their virtue declined, and King Zhao went on a southern campaign and died without returning [The Zuo Commentary says: The Marquis of Qi led the armies of the feudal lords to invade Cai; Cai collapsed, and they went on to attack Chu. The ruler of Chu sent an envoy to speak to the army, saying: You live by the Northern Sea and I live by the Southern Sea; even horses and cattle in heat could not stray into each other's land. I did not expect that you would enter my territory; why have you done so? Guan Zhong replied: Formerly Duke Kang of Shao charged our former ruler Taigong, saying: Of the five ranks of lords and the nine chiefs of provinces, you are to punish whoever is at fault, so as to support the house of Zhou. He granted our former ruler the right of campaign, reaching east to the sea, west to the Yellow River, south to Muling and north to Wudi. Because your tribute of bundled sedge has not been delivered, the king's sacrifices lack what is needed to strain the wine, and so we have come to demand it. As for King Zhao's southern campaign from which he did not return, we ask about that. The envoy replied: That the tribute was not delivered is the fault of my ruler; how dare he not supply it? As for King Zhao's not returning, you may ask that at the water's edge. The army advanced and camped at Xing. The Record of Gleaned Lost Matters says: From Kings Cheng and Kang onward, the sacrifices and generations of Zhou declined. King Zhao was unable to continue the distant enterprise or hand down the voice of instruction; he travelled south to Jing and Chu, contrary to the principle of inspection tours, and his spirit drowned in the Jiang and Han, which was the extreme of reckless adventure. That the water's edge was cited in the questioning is why the Spring and Autumn Annals gravely condemn it. Alas, the self-sacrifice of the two Ji women and the loyalty of the three good men, whose sincerity reached such a point that they looked on death as on life, would have done better to remonstrate strongly than to follow the straight way. The people of Chu pitied him, since he had lost his proper death]. Fan Bo was seized and imprisoned while on an embassy (the character shi is read in the falling tone), and his mission could not get through [The Spring and Autumn Annals says: The Heavenly King sent Fan Bo on a visit, and the Rong attacked Fan Bo at Chuqiu and took him away. The Gongyang Commentary says: Who was Fan Bo? A grandee of the Son of Heaven. This was a visit; why does the text say attacked? Because he was seized. If he was seized, why does it say attacked? To magnify it. Why magnify it? Because it did not approve of barbarians seizing someone from the Middle Kingdom. Why is the place named? To magnify it]. Jin took Jiao and Pei [The Spring and Autumn Annals says: The men of Jin besieged Jiao. The Zuo Commentary says: In spring, in the first month of the king's calendar, on the day renyin, the first of the month, two armies besieged Jiao. On guimao, Jiao and Xu collapsed. On dingwei the army of Jin was at Pingyin and the royal army at Zeyi. The king sent word that the gap was closed and returned on gengxu. The Gongyang Commentary says: What was Jiao? A city of the Son of Heaven. Why is it not attached to Zhou? Because it did not approve of attacking the Son of Heaven]. The royal army was defeated by the Mao Rong [The Spring and Autumn Annals says: The royal army was routed by the Mao Rong. The Zuo Commentary says: Men of the king came to report the defeat. The Gongyang Commentary says: Who defeated them? Probably Jin defeated them. Some say the Mao Rong did. Then why does it not say that Jin defeated them? Because a true king has no enemy; none dares to withstand him]. Now the barbarians of the southwest are descendants of Zhuang of Chu [The Account of the Southwestern Barbarians says: In the time of King Wei of Chu, the general Zhuang Qiao was sent with troops to conquer the upper Yangtze and seize the lands west of Ba, Shu and Qianzhong. Zhuang Qiao was originally a descendant of King Zhuang of Chu. When Qiao reached Lake Dian, which was three hundred li around, with fertile flat land of several thousand li beside it, he used the might of his troops to bring it under Chu. He wished to return and report, but Qin attacked and seized the commanderies of Ba and Qianzhong from Chu, and the road was blocked and impassable, so he turned back, made himself king of Dian with his followers, and changed his dress to follow their customs in order to rule them]. The king of Chaoxian is a fugitive of Yan [The Account of Chaoxian says: Man, King of Chaoxian, was formerly a man of Yan. From the time when Yan was at its full strength, it had conquered Zhenfan and Chaoxian and set up officials and built frontier forts there. When Qin destroyed Yan, it was attached to the outer frontier of Liaodong. When Han arose, because it was too distant to defend, Han repaired the old Liaodong frontier works as far as the Bei River as a boundary, and attached it to Yan. When King Lu Wan of Yan rebelled and fled to the Xiongnu, Man became a fugitive, gathered over a thousand followers, dressed in a barbarian topknot and barbarian clothing, fled east out through the frontier, crossed the Bei River, and settled in the empty land of Qin at Shangxia Zhang. Gradually he made the barbarians of Zhenfan and Chaoxian and the fugitives from Yan and Qi subject to him and became their king, with his capital at Wangxian. When Emperors Xiaohui and Empress Gao were in power and the realm was newly settled, the Governor of Liaodong made an agreement with Man that he would be an outer vassal, guard the barbarians beyond the frontier so that they would not raid the border, and not prevent any barbarian chiefs who wished to see the Son of Heaven from entering, and reported this. The emperor approved. Thus Man gained military power and wealth, attacked and subdued small towns around him, and Zhenfan and Lintun all came to submit, so that his territory was several thousand li square. It passed from father to son and to grandson]. Wei Tuo of Nanyue (the character tuo is read tuo) arose from the Middle Kingdom and set himself up as king. His virtue was very slight, yet all of these lost the great realm, each regarded himself as a province, and was stubborn (the character jue is read jue) and arrogant [stubborn means obstinate and perverse], calling himself the Old Man [The Account of Nanyue says: Wei Tuo, King of Nanyue, was a man of Zhending, surnamed Zhao. In Qin times, when it had already united the world, it pacified the Yangyue region, set up the commanderies of Guilin, Nanhai and Xiang, and for thirteen years settled exiled colonists among the Yue. Tuo was then Magistrate of Longchuan in Nanhai. In the time of the Second Emperor, Ren Xiao, Commandant of Nanhai, was ill and dying, and Tuo immediately sent out an order to the passes of Hengpu, Yangshan and Huangxi, saying: Bandit troops are about to arrive; quickly cut the roads and gather troops to defend yourselves. He then gradually executed the senior officials appointed by Qin on legal grounds and put his own followers in as acting governors. When Qin had been destroyed, Tuo attacked and annexed Guilin and Xiang and set himself up as King Wu of Nanyue. Minyue and Xi'ou and Luo became his subjects, over ten thousand li from east to west, and he rode in a yellow-canopied carriage with a banner on the left and issued commands on equal terms with the Middle Kingdom]. The late emperor planned for ten thousand generations, fearing the burden of Jizhou and the trouble of southern Jing, and so sent the Left General and the Tower Ship general (the character for ship is read chuan) to pacify them; their blades were not stained with blood, and all became counties of the government [The Annals of Emperor Wu of Han says: In the summer, fourth month, of the fifth year of Yuanding, Lü Jia, chancellor of the King of Nanyue, rebelled and killed the Han envoy together with the king and the queen dowager. The emperor sent the General Who Subdues Waves, Lu Bode, to go out from Guiyang and descend the Huang River; the Tower Ship General Yang Pu to go out from Yuzhang and descend the Zhen River; the Marquis Yan, a surrendered Yue noble, as General of Spear Ships to go out from Lingling and descend the Li River; and Jia as General of the Rapids to descend to Cangwu, all leading convicts, with a hundred thousand tower-ship troops from south of the Yangzi and Huai. The Yue Marquis Chiyi sent a separate commander with convicts from Ba and Shu and called up the troops of Yelang to go down the Zangke River, and all assembled at Panyu. In the winter, tenth month, of the sixth year, the emperor travelled east and was about to visit Goushi; on reaching Tongxiang in Zuoyi he heard that Nanyue had been broken and made it the county of Wenxi. In spring he reached Xinzhongxiang in Ji and obtained Lü Jia's head, and made it the county of Huojia. The troops of Marquis Chiyi had not yet come down, so the emperor ordered them to proceed to subdue the southwestern barbarians. Thus the Yue lands were settled and made into the commanderies of Nanhai, Cangwu, Yulin, Hepu, Jiaozhi, Jiuzhen, Rinan, Zhuya and Danger; and the southwestern barbarians were settled and made into the commanderies of Wudu, Zangke, Yuexi, Shenli and Wenshan. The Account of Nanyue says: When Nanyue had been pacified, the Tower Ship General, for breaking strong positions at the head of the attack, was made Marquis of Liang. From Wei Tuo's kingship, five generations and ninety-three years passed before it perished. The Annals of Emperor Wu of Han says: In the summer of the second year of Yuanfeng, the King of Chaoxian attacked and killed the Commandant of Liaodong, so the court recruited condemned criminals from the whole realm to attack Chaoxian. In autumn it sent the Tower Ship General Yang Pu and the Left General Xun Zhi to lead the recruited criminals against Chaoxian, and sent General Guo Chang and Colonel Wei Guang to call up troops from Ba and Shu to pacify those of the southwestern barbarians who had not yet submitted, and made that land the commandery of Yizhou (the base text has a damaged character here). In the summer of the third year the people of Chaoxian beheaded their king Youqu and surrendered, and his land was made into the commanderies of Lelang, Lintun, Xuantu (the base text has a rare character lost in transcription here) and Zhenfan]. In the time of the Seven States, each held ten thousand chariots (the character cheng is read in the falling tone) and faced south as king, bearing the jade pendant [to bear means to lift; the pendant is a jade worn at the belt to regulate one's steps] as rivals for generations, yet in the end they could not avoid having their heads bound and being taken captive by Qin. Now the Xiongnu are not the match of a single large commandery of Han (the character dang is read in the falling tone), and have neither the resources of the Six States nor the schemes of worthy scholars. Seen in this light, the difficulty and the ease are plain to see.

文學曰秦滅六國虜七王沛然有餘力自以為蚩【音痴】尤不能害黃帝不能斥及二世殺死望夷子嬰繫頸降楚曽不得七王之俛【音免】首使六國並存秦尚為戰固未亡也何以明之自孝公以至於始皇世世為諸侯雄百有餘年及兼天下十四嵗而亡何則外無敵國之憂而內自縱恣也自非聖人得志而不驕佚【音逸】者未之有也

The Literati said: Qin destroyed the Six States and took seven kings captive, with strength to spare in abundance, and thought that not even Chiyou (the character chi is read chi) could harm it and not even the Yellow Emperor could repel it. Yet when the Second Emperor was killed at Wangyi and Ziying put a cord around his neck and surrendered to Chu, they did not even have the chance to see the seven kings bow their heads (the character mian is read mian). Had the Six States all continued to exist, Qin would still have been one of the Warring States and would not necessarily have perished. How can this be shown? From Duke Xiao to the First Emperor, Qin was the leading power among the feudal lords for generation after generation, over a hundred years; but once it had united the world, it perished in fourteen years. Why? Because without it had no worry of a rival state, and within it indulged itself without restraint. Unless one is a sage, there has never been anyone who, having achieved his ambition, did not become arrogant and dissolute (the character yi is read yi).

大夫曰鄒子疾晩世之儒墨不知天地之昭曠之道將一曲而欲道九折守一隅而欲知萬方猶無凖平而欲知髙下無規矩而欲知方圓也【禮書曰防者直之至也衡者平之至也規矩者方圓之至也故防誠陳則不可欺以曲直衡誠懸則不可欺以輕重規矩誠錯則不可欺以方圓】於是推大聖終始之運以喻王公列士中國名山通谷以至海外所謂中國者天下八十分之一名曰赤縣神州而分為九川穀阻絶陵陸不通乃為一州有八瀛【音盈】海圜【音環】其外此所謂八極而天下際焉禹貢亦著山川髙下原隰而不知大道之遙故秦欲逹九州而方瀛【音盈】海牧胡而朝【音潮】萬國諸生守畦畆之慮閭巷之固未知天下之義也【騶衍傳曰騶衍睹有國者益淫侈不能尚徳若大雅整之於身施及黎庶矣乃深觀隂陽消息而作怪迂之變終始大聖之篇十餘萬言其語閎大不經必先騐小物推而大之至於無垠先序今以上至黃帝學者所共術大並世盛衰因載其禨祥度制推而逺之至天地未生窈防不可考而原也先列中國名山大川通谷禽獸水土所殖物類所珍因而推之及海外人之所不能睹稱引天地剖判以來五徳轉移治各有宜而符應若茲以為儒者所謂中國者於天下乃八十一分居其一分耳中國名曰赤縣神州赤縣神州內自有九州禹之序九州是也不得為州數中國外如赤縣神州者九乃所謂九州也於是有禆海環之人民禽獸莫得相通者如一區中者乃為一州如此者九乃有大瀛海環其外天地之際焉其術皆此類也然要其歸必止乎仁義節儉君臣上下六親之施始也濫耳封禪書曰自齊威宣之時騶子之徒論著終始五徳之運及秦帝而齊人奏之故始皇採用之而宋毋忌正伯僑充尚羨門子髙最後皆燕人為方僊道形解銷化依於神之事騶衍以隂陽主運顯於諸侯而燕齊海上之方士傳其術不能通然則怪迂阿諛苟合之徒自此興不可勝數也】

The Grand Secretary said: Master Zou was distressed that the Confucians and Mohists of his late age did not know the vastness of heaven and earth (the base text has a rare character lost in transcription here) and the way of the bright and boundless; they would hold to one bend and yet wish to describe nine turns, guard a single corner and yet wish to know the ten thousand quarters, like wanting to know high from low without a level, or square from round without a compass and square [The Treatise on Rites says: The plumb line is the utmost of straightness, the balance is the utmost of evenness, and the compass and square are the utmost of squareness and roundness. So when the plumb line is truly laid out, one cannot be deceived about crooked and straight; when the balance is truly hung, one cannot be deceived about light and heavy; and when the compass and square are truly applied, one cannot be deceived about square and round]. He therefore extended the cycles of the great sages from beginning to end to instruct kings, lords and officers, and extended it from the famous mountains and through-valleys of the Middle Kingdom out to lands beyond the sea. What is called the Middle Kingdom is one eightieth of the world, called the Red County Divine Land, and it is divided into nine; its rivers and valleys are cut off and its hills and plains do not connect, and each such region forms one province, and there are eight great seas (the character ying is read ying) encircling them (the character yuan is read huan). These are the so-called eight extremities, where the world ends. The Tribute of Yu also records the heights and lows of mountains and rivers and the plains and marshes, but did not know the remoteness of the great Way. For this reason Qin wished to reach the nine provinces and compare itself with the seas (ying is read ying), to herd the Hu and have the ten thousand states attend its court (the character chao is read chao). The various scholars guard thoughts that fit a field plot and the fastness of a village lane, and do not yet know the principle of the world [The Biography of Zou Yan says: Zou Yan saw that the rulers of states were growing more dissolute and extravagant and could not honor virtue as the Greater Odes put it, in regulating oneself and then extending it to the common people; so he deeply observed the waxing and waning of yin and yang and composed strange and far-fetched transformations, and the chapters Beginning and End and The Great Sage, over a hundred thousand words. His words were vast and unorthodox; he first had to test small things and then extended them to the boundless. He first set out the present going back to the Yellow Emperor, which scholars share as their method, broadly following the rise and fall of the ages, and by this recorded their omens and institutions, and extended it further back to the time before heaven and earth were born, dim and dark and impossible to examine and trace to the source. He first listed the famous mountains and great rivers and through-valleys of the Middle Kingdom, its birds and beasts, what its waters and soils bred, and the things its species valued, and then extended this to what lies beyond the sea that men cannot see. He cited the rotation of the Five Powers since the separation of heaven and earth, with each rule having its fitting time and the confirming signs being like this. He held that what the Confucians call the Middle Kingdom is only one part in eighty-one of the world. The Middle Kingdom is called the Red County Divine Land. Within the Red County Divine Land there are nine provinces of its own, which is the nine provinces Yu arranged, and these cannot be counted as the number of provinces. Outside the Middle Kingdom there are nine more like the Red County Divine Land, and these are what are properly called the nine provinces. Each is surrounded by a lesser sea, so that people and animals cannot pass from one to another as though in a single region, and that counts as one province. There are nine of these, and a great ocean surrounds them on the outside, where heaven and earth meet. His methods were all of this kind. Yet in essence they must end with benevolence, righteousness, frugality, and the practice of ruler and minister, superior and inferior and the six kinds of kin; it was only the beginning that was extravagant. The Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices says: From the time of Kings Wei and Xuan of Qi, followers of Master Zou discussed and wrote of the cycle of the Five Powers from end to beginning, and when Qin became an empire, men of Qi presented this, so the First Emperor adopted it. Song Wuji, Zhengbo Qiao, Chongshang, and Xianmen Zigao were all men of Yan, who practised the way of immortal arts, dissolving the body and melting away, relying on matters of ghosts and spirits (the base text has a rare character lost in transcription here). Zou Yan became known to the feudal lords through the doctrine of yin and yang and the ruling cycle, and the magicians of Yan and Qi by the sea transmitted his art without being able to master it. From then on the strange, far-fetched, flattering and compliant sort arose, beyond counting].

文學曰堯使禹為司空平水土隨山刋木定髙下而序九州【司馬相如曰昔者洪水沸出氾濫衍溢民人升降移徙崎嶇而不安夏后氏蹙之乃湮洪塞源決江疏河沈澹災東歸之於海而天下永寧當斯之勤豈惟民哉心煩於慮而身親其勞躬腠胝無胈膚不生毛故休烈顯乎無窮聲稱浹乎來茲】鄒衍非聖人作怪誤惑六國之君以納其説此春秋所謂匹夫熒惑諸侯者也【鄒衍傳曰王公大人初見其術懼然顧化其後不能行之是以騶子重於齊適梁恵王郊迎執賔主之禮適趙平原君側行襒席如燕昭王擁彗先驅請列弟子之座而受業築碣石宮身親徃師之作主運其遊諸侯見尊禮如此孔子曰匹夫而熒惑諸侯者罪當誅司馬貞曰熒惑謂經營而惑亂也家語作營侮也】孔子曰未能事人焉能事神近者不達焉能知瀛【音盈】海【列子曰凡可度者小也可數者少也至大非度之所能及也至眾非數之所能領也故九州不可頃畆也八極不可道里也太山不可丈尺也江海不可鬥斛也】故無補於用者君子不為無益於治者君子不由【説林訓曰人莫欲學御龍而皆欲學御馬莫欲學治而皆欲學治人急所用也】三王信經道而徳光於四海戰國信嘉言破亡而泥山昔秦始皇已吞天下欲並萬國亡其三十六郡欲逹瀛【音盈】海而失其州縣知大義如斯不如守小計也

The Literati said: Yao made Yu Minister of Works to level the waters and lands; following the mountains he cut the trees, fixed the high and low, and ordered the nine provinces [Sima Xiangru said: In former times the floods boiled up and overflowed, and the people went up and down and moved about, in rough places and unsettled. The Lord of Xia drove them back; he dammed the floods and blocked the sources, cut a channel for the Yangzi and dredged the Yellow River, drained the deep waters and quieted the calamity, and sent them east back to the sea, so that the world was at peace for ever. In that toil, was it only the people who laboured? His heart was troubled with plans and his own body bore the toil, and his skin was calloused and his legs had no hair left, and his skin grew no hair. Thus his glorious merit shone without end and his fame has spread through all the ages]. Zou Yan was no sage; he produced strange and mistaken doctrines and bewildered the rulers of the Six States into accepting his theory. This is what the Spring and Autumn Annals means by a commoner who dazzles and deceives the feudal lords [The Biography of Zou Yan says: When kings, dukes and great men first saw his art, they were awed and looked at him with transformed faces, but afterward could not put it into practice. For this reason Master Zou was honored in Qi; going to Liang, King Hui went out to the suburbs to meet him and received him with the ritual of host and guest; going to Zhao, Lord Pingyuan walked at his side and wiped his seat; going to Yan, King Zhao carried a broom and went before him, asked to be seated among his disciples to receive instruction, built him the Jieshi Palace, and personally went to study under him, and he composed The Ruling Cycle. Such was the honor with which he was received on his travels among the feudal lords. Confucius said: A commoner who dazzles and deceives the feudal lords is guilty and should be executed. Sima Zhen said: dazzles and deceives means to scheme and bewilder. The Family Sayings reads it as to scheme and insult]. Confucius said: If you cannot yet serve men, how can you serve spirits? If you cannot understand what is near, how can you know about the great seas (ying is read ying) [Liezi says: What can be measured is small, and what can be counted is few. The greatest cannot be reached by measure, and the most numerous cannot be encompassed by counting. So the nine provinces cannot be measured in acres, the eight extremities cannot be reckoned in li, Mount Tai cannot be measured in feet, and rivers and seas cannot be measured with dou and hu measures]. Therefore a gentleman does not do what does not help practical use, and does not follow what does not benefit good government [The chapter Explaining the Forest says: No one wishes to learn to drive dragons, yet all wish to learn to drive horses; no one wishes to learn to govern ghosts, yet all wish to learn to govern men; this is to hasten toward what is useful]. The Three Kings trusted in the constant Way and their virtue shone to the four seas; the Warring States trusted in fine-sounding words and were destroyed and sunk in the mud. In former times the First Emperor of Qin, having swallowed up the world, wished to annex all the states, and lost his thirty-six commanderies; wishing to reach the great seas, he lost his provinces and counties. Knowing the great principle is like this; it is better to hold to small plans.