Observing Things Chapter 55

善化天下者，止於盡道而已；善教天下者，止於盡德而已；善勸天下者，止於盡功而已；善率天下者，止於盡力而已。以道德功力為化者，乃謂之皇矣；以道德功力為教者，乃謂之帝矣；以道德功力為勸者，乃謂之王矣；以道德功力為率者，乃謂之伯矣。以化教勸率為道者，乃謂之《易》矣；以化教勸率為德者，乃謂之《書》矣；以化教勸率為功者，乃謂之《詩》矣；以化教勸率為力者，乃謂之《春秋》矣。此四者，天地始則始焉，天地終則終焉，終始隨乎天地者也。

Those who are skilled in nurturing the world exhaust the "Dao" and reach the end; those skilled in teaching the world exhaust the "De" and reach the end; those skilled in encouraging the world exhaust the "Gong" and reach the end; those skilled in leading the world exhaust the "Li" and reach the end. Using Dao, De, Gong, and Li for nurturing, teaching, encouraging, and leading, respectively, are called the "Huang," "Di," "Wang," and "Ba." Conversely, reducing nurturing, teaching, encouraging, and leading to Dao results in the "Yi"; reducing them to De results in the "Shu"; reducing them to Gong results in the "Shi"; reducing them to Li results in the "Chunqiu." The four categories of Huang, Di, Wang, and Ba, along with the four classics, have existed since the beginning of heaven and earth and will end when heaven and earth end, always following the course of heaven and earth.

夫古今者，在天地之間猶旦暮也。以今觀今，則謂之今矣；以後觀今，則今亦謂之古矣；以今觀古，則謂之古矣；以古自觀，則古亦謂之今矣。是知古亦未必為古，今亦未必為今，皆自我而觀之也。安知千古之前，萬古之後，其人不自我而觀之也。

The ancient and the modern exist between heaven and earth, no different from the morning and the evening of a single day. When we look at today from today's perspective, it naturally is called "now"; but when viewed from the perspective of later generations, today becomes "ancient." When we look at the past from today's perspective, it is called "ancient"; yet if the ancients themselves viewed their own time, that time was also "now." From this we can see that "ancient" may not truly be ancient, and "now" may not truly be now—it all depends on the perspective from which one views it. How then can we be certain that people from thousands of years ago and those from ten thousand years in the future do not also view their own times in the same way?

若然，則皇帝王伯者，聖人之時也；《易》、《書》、《詩》、《春秋》者，聖人之經也。時有消長，經有因革。時有消長，否泰盡之矣；經有因革，損益盡之矣。否泰盡而體用分，損益盡而心跡判。體與用分，心與跡判，聖人之事業於是乎備矣。

So, the terms "huang", "di", "wang", and "ba" refer to the "time" in which sages operate, and the classics "Yi", "Shu", "Shi", and "Chunqiu" are the "canons" established by sages. Time has periods of decline and growth, and canons have elements of continuity and change. The ebb and flow of time are fully explained by the two hexagrams "Pu" and "Tai"; the continuity and change of canons are fully explained by the two hexagrams "Sun" and "Yi". When "Pu" and "Tai" are fully explained, the distinction between principle and application becomes clear; when "Sun" and "Yi" are fully explained, the distinction between mind and practice becomes clear. Once principle and application are clearly distinguished, and mind and practice are clearly separated, the achievements of sages are complete.

所以自古當世之君天下者，其命有四焉：一曰正命，二曰受命，三曰改命，四曰攝命。正命者，因而因者也；受命者，因而革者也；改命者，革而因者也；攝命者，革而革者也。因而因者，長而長者也；因而革者，長而消者也；革而因者，消而長者也；革而革者，消而消者也。革而革者，一世之事業也；革而因者，十世之事業也；因而革者，百世之事業也；因而因者，千世之事業也。可以因則因，可以革則革者，萬世之事業也。一世之事業者，非五伯之道而何？十世之事業者，非三王之道而何？百世之事業者，非五帝之道而何？千世之事業者，非三皇之道而何？萬世之事業者，非仲尼之道而何？是知皇帝王伯者，命世之謂也。仲尼者，不世之謂也。

Therefore, since ancient times, those who ruled the world received their mandate in four ways: first, by proper inheritance; second, by receiving the mandate; third, by changing the mandate; and fourth, by seizing the mandate. Proper inheritance means both inheriting and continuing; receiving the mandate means first inheriting and then changing; changing the mandate means first changing and then inheriting; seizing the mandate means both changing and continuing. Those who both inherit and continue will have long-lasting success; those who inherit and then change will first grow and then decline; those who change and then inherit will first decline and then grow; those who both change and continue will experience continuous decline. Those who both change and continue can only achieve success for one generation; those who change and then inherit can achieve success for ten generations; those who inherit and then change can achieve success for a hundred generations; those who both inherit and continue can achieve success for a thousand generations; and those who inherit when appropriate and change when appropriate can achieve success for ten thousand generations. A success for one generation is not the way of the Five Hegemons; a success for ten generations is not the way of the Three Kings; a success for a hundred generations is not the way of the Five Emperors; a success for a thousand generations is not the way of the Three Sovereigns; and a success for ten thousand generations is the way of Confucius. From this, we can see that the Emperors, Emperors, Kings, and Hegemons are all people who appear in response to the needs of a particular era; Confucius, however, is a person not limited to any single generation.

仲尼曰：“殷因於夏禮，所損益可知也；周因於殷禮，所損益可知也；其或繼周者，雖百世可知也。”如是，則何止於百世而已哉？億千萬世皆可得而知之也。

Confucius said in the "Analects of Confucius," "The Shang dynasty inherited the rites of the Xia dynasty, and what was reduced or added can be known; the Zhou dynasty inherited the rites of the Shang dynasty, and what was reduced or added can also be known. If there were a dynasty that came after the Zhou dynasty, even if it lasted for a hundred generations, it could still be foreknown." Following this principle, how could it be only a hundred generations? Even a hundred million generations could also be known.

人皆知仲尼之為仲尼，不知仲尼之所以為仲尼。不欲知仲尼之所以為仲尼則已，如其必欲知仲尼之所以為仲尼，則舍天地將奚之焉？人皆知天地之為天地，不知天地之所以為天地。不欲知天地之所以為天地則已，如其必欲知天地之所以為天地，則舍動靜將奚之焉？夫一動一靜者，天地之至妙者歟？夫一動一靜之間者，天地人之至妙至妙者歟？是故知仲尼之所以能盡三才之道者，謂其行無轍跡也。故有言曰：“予欲無言。”又曰：“天何言哉！四時行焉，百物生焉。”其斯之謂歟？

Everyone knows Confucius is Confucius, but does not know the reason why Confucius became Confucius. If one does not wish to know, that is fine; but if one insists on knowing why Confucius became Confucius, then apart from Heaven and Earth, where else can one find the answer? Everyone knows Heaven and Earth are Heaven and Earth, but does not know the reason why Heaven and Earth became Heaven and Earth. If one does not wish to know, that is fine; but if one insists on knowing why Heaven and Earth became Heaven and Earth, then apart from the terms 'movement' and 'stillness', where else can one find the answer? One movement and one stillness, perhaps represent the most subtle principle in the universe. And the point where movement and stillness meet, perhaps represents the most subtle aspect among Heaven, Earth, and humanity. From this we can see that Confucius was able to thoroughly understand the principles of Heaven, Earth, and humanity because his actions left no trace. Therefore he said, 'I think of nothing and say nothing.' He also said, 'What has Heaven said? The four seasons still proceed in order, and all things still grow.' Both statements are found in the 'Yanghuo' chapter of the 'Analects,' and they express exactly this meaning.

孔子贊《易》自羲軒而下，序《書》自堯舜而下，刪《詩》自文武而下，修《春秋》自桓文而下。自羲軒而下，祖三皇也；自堯舜而下，宗五帝也；自文武而下，子三王也；自桓文而下，孫五伯也。祖三皇，尚賢也；宗五帝，亦尚賢也。三皇尚賢以道，五帝尚賢以德。子三王，尚親也；孫五伯，亦尚親也。三王尚親以功，五伯尚親以力。

Confucius composed commentaries on the Zhou Changes, beginning with Fuxi and Huangdi; he arranged the Shangshu, beginning with Yao and Shun; he edited the Shijing, beginning with King Wen and King Wu; and he compiled the Chouspring, beginning with Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin. To begin with Fuxi and Huangdi is to regard the Three Emperors as ancestors; to begin with Yao and Shun is to regard the Five Emperors as forefathers; to begin with King Wen and King Wu is to regard the Three Kings as sons; to begin with Duke Huan and Duke Wen is to regard the Five Hegemons as grandsons. To regard the Three Emperors as ancestors is to value virtue; to regard the Five Emperors as forefathers is also to value virtue—only the Three Emperors relied on 'Dao' to value virtue, while the Five Emperors relied on 'De'. To regard the Three Kings as sons is to value closeness; to regard the Five Hegemons as grandsons is also to value closeness—only the Three Kings relied on 'Gong' to value closeness, while the Five Hegemons relied on 'Li' to value closeness.

嗚呼！時之既往億萬千年，時之未來亦億萬千年。仲尼中間生而為人，何祖宗之寡而子孫之多耶？此所以重贊堯舜，至禹則曰：“禹，吾無間然矣。”仲尼後禹千五百餘年，今之後仲尼又千五百餘年。雖不敢比夫仲尼上贊堯舜禹，豈不敢比孟子上贊仲尼乎？人謂仲尼，惜乎無土。吾獨以為不然。匹夫以百畝為土，大夫以百里為土，諸侯以四境為土，天子以四海為土，仲尼以萬世為土。若然，則孟子言“自生民以來未有如夫子”，斯亦未為之過矣。

Alas! The time that has already passed is measured in billions of years, and the time yet to come is also billions of years. Confucius was born exactly in the middle, becoming a human being, so why did his ancestors number so few while his descendants are so numerous? It is precisely for this reason that he repeatedly praised Yao and Shun, and when he spoke of Yu, he said, "Yu, I find no fault in him." Confucius was born 1,500 years after Yu, and today we are 1,500 years after Confucius. Though I dare not compare myself to Confucius in praising Yao, Shun, and Yu, am I not then bold enough to compare myself to Mencius in praising Confucius? People often lament that Confucius did not have a fief. I hold a different view: commoners have a hundred mu of land as their fief, ministers have a hundred li of territory as their fief, dukes have the borders of their state as their fief, and the Son of Heaven has the four seas as his fief. But Confucius has the ages to come as his fief. In this light, Mencius' statement that "since the beginning of humanity, there has been no one who can surpass the Master" is not an overstatement.

夫人不能自富，必待天與其富，然後能富。人不能自貴，必待天與其貴，然後能貴。若然則富貴在天也，不在人也。有求而得之者，有求而不得者矣，是繫乎天者也。功德在人也，不在天也，可修而得之，不修則不得。是非繫乎天也，繫乎人者也。夫人之能求而得富貴者，求其可得者也；非其可得者，非所以能求之也。

A person cannot become rich by himself; he must be given richness by heaven, only then can he become rich. A person cannot become noble by himself; he must be given nobility by heaven, only then can he become noble. Thus, richness and nobility are in heaven, not in man. Some people seek and obtain them, while others seek and do not obtain them. This is the part that depends on heaven. Merit and virtue, however, are in man, not in heaven. If one is willing to cultivate, he can obtain them; if not, he cannot. This does not depend on heaven but on man. The reason why a person can seek and obtain richness and nobility is that what he seeks is already within the realm of obtainability. If it is not within the realm of obtainability from the beginning, there is no way to seek it. Shao Yong distinguishes 'ming' (destiny) and 'gong' (merit) clearly here: half is given to heaven, and half is left to man. This is the premise of his discussion on destiny.

昧者不知求而得之，則謂其己之能得也，故矜之。求而失之，則謂其人之不與也，故怨之。如知其己之所以能得，人之所以能與，則天下安有不知量之人耶？天下至富也，天子至貴也，豈可妄意求而得之也？雖曰天命，亦未始不由積功累行。聖君艱難以成之，庸君暴虐以壞之，是天歟？是人歟？是知人作之咎，固難逃已；天降之災，禳之奚益？積功累行，君子常分，非有求而然也。有求而然者，所謂利乎仁者也。君子安有餘事於其間哉？然而有幸有不幸者，始可以語命也已。

A foolish person does not understand this principle: if one seeks and obtains something, they think it is all due to their own ability and thus boast; if one seeks and fails to obtain, they think it is because others are not willing to help and thus complain. If one understands why they can obtain something and why others are willing to give, then there would be no one in the world who is out of their depth. The world is the greatest treasure, and the Son of Heaven holds the highest position; how could one obtain these by mere wishful thinking? Although this is said to be heaven's mandate, it is not without the accumulation of merit and virtue. A wise ruler establishes these through great hardship, while a foolish ruler destroys them through cruelty. Is this heaven's will or human affairs? From this we can see that the calamities one brings upon oneself are difficult to avoid; the disasters sent by heaven, what use is there in trying to ward them off? Accumulating merit and virtue is the duty of a gentleman, not something done in order to seek something. If one does it in order to seek something, then one has fallen into the path of "seeking benevolence" as mentioned in the Great Treatise of the Zhou Changes. A gentleman has no other matters beyond his duty. As for those who cultivate virtue yet some are fortunate and others are not, it is only at this point that one can speak of "destiny."

夏禹以功有天下，夏桀以虐失天下；殷湯以功有天下，殷紂以虐失天下；周武以功有天下，周幽以虐失天下。三者雖時不同，其成敗之形一也。平王東遷，無功以復王業；赧王西走，無虐以喪王室，威令不逮一小國諸侯，仰存於五伯而已。此又奚足道哉！但時無真王者出焉，雖有虛名，與杞宋其誰曰少異？是時也，《春秋》之作不亦宜乎？

In the time of Xia Yu, he gained the world through his meritorious deeds, while Xia Jie lost it due to his tyranny; in the time of Shang Tang, he gained the world through his meritorious deeds, while Shang Zhou lost it due to his tyranny; in the time of Zhou Wu Wang, he gained the world through his meritorious deeds, while Zhou You Wang lost it due to his tyranny. These three cases, though from different eras, had exactly the same pattern of success and failure. Later, when King Ping of Zhou moved east, he had no meritorious deeds sufficient to restore the royal authority; when King Nan of Zhou fled west, he had no tyranny sufficient to destroy the royal house — he was not even as respected as a small feudal lord, and could only rely on the five hegemonic states to preserve the Zhou dynasty barely. What can be said about this? It is only because there was no true sovereign emerging at that time. The Zhou royal house, though still holding the empty title of Son of Heaven, was not much different from the small states of Qi and Song, which were remnants of the former dynasty. In such an era, Confucius composing the Spring and Autumn Annals was only natural.

仲尼修經周平王之時，《書》終於晉文侯，《詩》列為王國風，《春秋》始於魯隱公，《易》盡於未濟卦。予非知仲尼者，學為仲尼者也。禮樂賞罰，自天子出。而出自諸侯，天子之重去矣。宗周之功德，自文武出。而出自幽厲，文武之基息矣，由是犬戎得以侮中國。周之諸侯非一，獨晉能攘去戎狄，徙王東都洛邑，用存王國，為天下伯者之倡。秬鬯圭瓚之所錫，其能免乎？

Confucius compiled the classic texts during the time of King Ping of Zhou: the "Book of Documents" ends with the "Ming of Wenhou of Jin," the "Book of Poetry" demotes the poems of the royal capital to the "Wang Feng" section, the "Spring and Autumn Annals" begins with Duke Yin of Lu, and the "Zhou Yi" ends with the "Wei Ji" hexagram. I am not someone who understands Confucius, but I am merely trying to become like him. The authority of military campaigns and legal commands should have originated from the Son of Heaven, but once they were taken over by the feudal lords, the Son of Heaven lost his prestige. The virtues of the Zhou dynasty were originally established by King Wen and King Wu, but once they fell into the hands of King You and King Li, the foundation laid by King Wen and King Wu was destroyed, allowing the Qianrong to oppress the Central Plains. There were many feudal states under the Zhou dynasty, but only the state of Jin could drive out the Rong and Di tribes, escort the Son of Heaven to Luoyi, preserve the royal house, and become the first to lead the hegemony. The Son of Heaven bestowed on Jin the fragrant millet wine and the jade scepter as a reward, a gift that Jin could not possibly refuse.

傳稱子貢欲去魯告朔之餼羊。孔子曰：“賜也，爾愛其羊，我愛其禮。”是知名存實亡者，猶愈於名實俱亡者矣。禮雖廢而羊存，則後世安知無復行禮者乎？晉文公尊王，雖用虛名，猶能力使天下諸侯知有周天子，而不敢以兵加之也。及晉之衰也，秦由是敢滅周。斯愛禮之言，信不誣矣！

The Book of Rites, Volume 8yi records that Zigong wanted to remove the live sheep used in the monthly ritual of the Shuo ceremony in Lu state. Confucius said, "Zi, you are reluctant to give up that sheep, but I am reluctant to give up that ritual." From this we can see that even if the ritual is merely nominal and the practice has ceased, it is still better than having neither name nor reality. Although the Shuo ceremony has fallen into disuse, the sheep is still placed there. How can later generations know that someone will not revive the ritual again? Jin Wen Gong used the title of honoring the Son of Heaven as a pretext, even though it was a hollow name, it actually made the feudal lords remember that there was still a Son of Heaven, and they dared not attack him. When Jin declined, Qin was then able to move against the Zhou dynasty. Confucius' words about cherishing the rites were not empty talk!

齊景公嘗一日問政於孔子。孔子對曰：“君君臣臣，父父子子。”公曰：“善哉！信如君不君，臣不臣，父不父，子不子，雖有粟，吾得而食諸？”是時也，諸侯僭天子，陪臣執國命，祿去公室，政出私門。景公自不能上奉周天子，欲其臣下奉己，不亦難乎？厥後齊祚卒為田氏所移。夫齊之有田氏者，亦猶晉之有三卿也。晉之有三卿者，亦猶周之有五伯也。韓、趙、魏之於晉也，既立其功，又分其地，既卑其主，又奪其國。田氏之於齊也，既得其祿，又專其政，既殺其君，又移其祚。其如天下之事，豈無漸乎履霜之戒，寧無思乎？

King Qi Jinggong once asked Confucius about the way of governing. Confucius replied, "The ruler should be a ruler, the minister a minister, the father a father, and the son a son." King Qi said, "Well said! If indeed the ruler was not a ruler, the minister not a minister, the father not a father, and the son not a son, even if there were full granaries, would I still be able to eat?" At that time, the feudal lords overstepped the Son of Heaven's authority, and the ministers' attendants controlled the state affairs. The power of salary and appointment left the royal house, and the state orders came from private households. King Qi himself was unable to serve the Son of Heaven, yet he expected his ministers to serve him. How could that be possible? Later, the Qi state was finally taken over by the Tian family. The emergence of the Tian family in Qi was like the emergence of the Han, Zhao, and Wei families in Jin. The emergence of the three families in Jin was like the emergence of the Five Hegemons in the Zhou dynasty. The Han, Zhao, and Wei families first served Jin, then divided its land; first suppressed its king, then took over its state. The Tian family in Qi first received its salary, then monopolized its government affairs; first killed its king, then took over its state power. What worldly affairs are not brought about step by step like this? The warning in the "Kun" hexagram of the "Zhou Changes" that "treading on frost foretells the coming of hard ice" is not something to be thought over lightly.

傳稱王者，往也。能往天下者，可以王矣。周之衰也，諸侯不朝天子久矣。及楚與中國會盟，仲尼始進爵為之子。其於僭王也，不亦陋乎？

Ancient texts explain the character 「王」 as meaning 「to go to」. A person who can attract the allegiance of all under heaven is worthy of being called a king. After the decline of the Zhou dynasty, the feudal lords had not visited the Son of Heaven for a long time. When the state of Chu participated in the alliances of the Central States, Confucius, in compiling the Spring and Autumn Annals, elevated its title to 「子」. Originally, the ruler of Chu had usurped the title of king, but now compared with the honor of 「子」, it appears quite contemptible.

夫以力勝人者，人亦以力勝之。吳嘗破越，而有輕楚之心。及其破楚，又有驕齊之志。貪婪功利，不顧德義，侵侮齊晉，專以夷狄為事，遂復為越所滅。越又不鑑之，其後復為楚所滅；楚又不鑑之，其後復為秦所滅；秦又不鑑之，其後復為漢所代。恃強凌弱，與豺虎何以異乎？非所以謂之中國義理之師也。

Those who conquer others by force will themselves be conquered by others through force. Wu defeated Yue, and thus became contemptuous of Chu; when it defeated Chu, it then became arrogant toward Qi. It pursued profit and gain, disregarded virtue and righteousness, invaded Qi and Jin, and acted solely with the methods of the barbarians, and eventually was destroyed by Yue. Yue did not take Wu as a mirror, and later was destroyed by Chu; Chu did not take Yue as a mirror, and later was destroyed by Qin; Qin did not take Chu as a mirror, and later was replaced by the Han. Relying on strength to bully the weak is no different from wolves and tigers. Such an army is not worthy to be called the virtuous army of the Central States.

宋之為國也，爵高而力卑者乎？盟不度德，會不量力，區區與諸侯並驅中原，恥居其後。其於伯也，不亦難乎？

The State of Song is probably a state with high rank but weak power. It does not measure its virtue before participating in alliances, nor does it assess its strength before joining gatherings. A small state dares to compete with great ones for leadership in the Central Plains, and it even feels ashamed to be behind others. How can such a state expect to become a hegemon? It is surely too difficult.

周之同姓諸侯而克永世者，獨有燕在焉。燕處北陸之地，去中原特遠。苟不隨韓、趙、魏、齊、楚較利刃，爭虛名，則足以養德待時，而觀諸侯之變。秦雖虎狼，亦未易加害。延十五六年後，天下事未可知也。

Among the same-surname vassal states of the Zhou dynasty, only the state of Yan was able to endure for a long time. Yan was located in the north, far away from the Central Plains. If it had not joined Han, Zhao, Wei, Qi, Chu in competing for military superiority and striving for empty fame, it could have cultivated virtue and reputation, waiting patiently for the right opportunity, observing the changes in the other states from the side. Although the state of Qin was as fierce as a tiger or wolf, it would not have easily harmed Yan. If it could have lasted for another fifteen or sixteen years, the situation of the world might not have turned out as it did later.

中原之地方九千里，古不加多，而今不加少。然而有祚長祚短、地大地小者，攻守異故也。自三代以降，漢唐為盛，秦界於周漢之間矣。秦始盛於穆公，中於孝公，終於始皇。起於西夷，遷於岐山，徙於咸陽，兵瀆宇內，血流天下，併吞四海，更革古今。雖不能比德三代，非晉隋可同年而語也。其祚之不永，得非用法太酷、殺人之多乎？所以仲尼序《書》終於《秦誓》一事。其旨不亦遠乎？

The land of Zhongyuan covers nine thousand li, and in ancient times it did not exceed one fraction, nor has it ever been reduced in the present. However, the duration of each dynasty's rule has varied, and their territories have differed in size, due to different methods of conquest and consolidation. After the Three Dynasties, the Han and Tang dynasties were the most prosperous. The Qin dynasty was situated between the Zhou and Han dynasties. The rise of the Qin began with Duke Mu, continued through the reforms of Duke Xiao, and culminated under the First Emperor. It originated from the western regions of the Rong and Di tribes, first moving to Mount Qi, then to Xianyang. It used military force to disrupt the country, causing bloodshed everywhere, and conquered the four seas, changing ancient systems all at once. Although it did not match the virtue of the Three Dynasties, it was not comparable to short-lived dynasties like the Jin and Sui. Why did its rule not last long? Was it not because its legal punishments were too harsh and it killed too many people? Therefore, Confucius compiled the Book of Documents, placing the "Qin Shi" chapter at the end. The intention behind this is not very profound, is it?

夫好生者，生之徒也；好殺者，死之徒也。周之好生也，以義；漢之好生也，亦以義。秦之好殺也，以利；楚之好殺也，亦以利。周之好生也以義，而漢且不及；秦之好殺也以利，而楚又過之。天之道，人之情，又奚擇於周、秦、漢、楚哉？擇乎善惡而已。是知善也者，無敵於天下，而天下共善之；惡也者，亦無敵於天下，而天下亦共惡之。天之道，人之情，又奚擇於周、秦、漢、楚哉？擇乎善惡而已。

Those who favor nurturing are on the path of life; those who favor killing are on the path of death. The Zhou dynasty favored nurturing, based on righteousness; the Han dynasty also favored nurturing, also based on righteousness. The Qin dynasty favored killing, based on profit; the Chu dynasty also favored killing, also based on profit. The Zhou dynasty practiced nurturing through righteousness, yet the Han dynasty could not match it; the Qin dynasty practiced killing through profit, yet the Chu dynasty went even further. The principles of heaven and the common sentiments of human hearts would not choose to favor one among the Zhou, Qin, Han, and Chu dynasties. They merely distinguish between good and evil. From this we can see that goodness is unmatched throughout the world, hence it is universally praised by all people; evil is also unmatched throughout the world, hence it is universally detested by all people. The principles of heaven and the common sentiments of human hearts would not choose to favor one among the Zhou, Qin, Han, and Chu dynasties. They merely distinguish between good and evil. The last two sentences are a repetition of the previous ones, which Shao Yong intentionally repeated to emphasize his point.

昔者孔子語堯舜，則曰“垂衣裳而天下治”；語湯武，則曰“順乎天而應乎人”。斯言可以該古今帝王受命之理也。堯禪舜以德，舜禪禹以功。以德，帝也；以功，亦帝也。然而德下一等則入於功矣。湯伐桀以放，武伐紂以殺。以放，王也；以殺，亦王也。然而放下一等則入於殺矣。是知時有消長，事有因革。前聖後聖，非出乎一途哉！

Confucius once spoke of Yao and Shun, saying they "governed the world with ease, wearing their robes and folding their arms while the world was at peace." When he spoke of King Tang of Shang and King Wu of Zhou, he said they "followed the will of Heaven above and the hearts of people below." These two sentences fully encompass the principles of how emperors throughout history received the Mandate of Heaven. Yao passed the throne to Shun based on virtue, and Shun passed it to Yu based on merit. Whether based on virtue or merit, both are imperial, yet virtue descending one level becomes merit. King Tang of Shang exiled the tyrant Jie, and King Wu of Zhou executed the tyrant Zhou. Exile is the Way of the King, and execution is also the Way of the King, yet exile descending one level becomes execution. From this we can see that the times have periods of decline and growth, and affairs have continuity and change. The sages of previous generations and the sages of later generations did not follow the same path at all.

天與人相為表裡。天有陰陽，人有邪正。邪正之由，繫乎上之所好也。上好德，則民用正；上好佞，則民用邪。邪正之由，有自來矣。雖聖君在上，不能無小人，是難其為小人。雖庸君在上，不能無君子，是難其為君子。自古聖君之盛，未有如唐堯之世，君子何其多耶！時非無小人也，是難其為小人。故君子多也。所以雖有四凶，不能肆其惡。自古庸君之盛，未有如商紂之世，小人何其多耶！時非無君子也，是難其為君子。故小人多也。所以雖有三仁，不能遂其善。是知君擇臣、臣擇君者，是繫乎人也；君得臣、臣得君者，是非繫乎人也，繫乎天者也。

Heaven and people are mutually connected. Heaven has yin and yang energies, and people have righteous and unrighteous paths. Where do the unrighteous and the righteous come from? They depend on the preferences of those in power. If those in power prefer virtue, the people will follow the righteous path; if those in power prefer flattery, the people will follow the unrighteous path. The origin of righteousness and unrighteousness has its source. Even if a wise ruler is in power, there will still be some petty people, but in such a time, it is difficult to become a petty person; even if an ordinary ruler is in power, there will still be some virtuous people, but in such a time, it is difficult to become a virtuous person. Since ancient times, the most prosperous era of a sage ruler was no match for the time of Yao, and that is why there were so many virtuous people. It was not that there were no petty people at that time, but that it was difficult to become petty people, so virtuous people appeared in greater numbers. Therefore, even though there were the four villains, Gonggong, Huan Dou, Sanmiao, and Gun, they could not act wickedly freely. Since ancient times, the worst time of an incompetent ruler was no match for the time of King Zhou of Shang, and that is why there were so many petty people. It was not that there were no virtuous people at that time, but that it was difficult to become virtuous people, so petty people appeared in greater numbers. Therefore, even though there were the three virtuous men, Weizi, Jizi, and Bigan, they could not fully realize their good ways. From this we can see that a ruler choosing ministers and ministers choosing a ruler depends on human effort; but when a ruler truly obtains a minister and a minister truly meets a ruler, this is not due to human effort, but to heaven.

賢愚人之本性，利害民之常情。虞舜陶於河濱，傅說築於巖下，天下皆知其賢，而百執事不為之舉者，利害使之然也。籲！利害叢於中，而矛戟森於外，又安知有虞舜之聖而傅說之賢哉？河濱非禪位之所，巖下非求相之方。昔也在億萬人之下，而今也在億萬人之上，相去一何遠之甚耶？然而必此云者，貴有名者也。

Wisdom and foolishness are inherent to human nature, and seeking benefits while avoiding harm is the common sentiment of the people. Yu Shun once made pottery by the Yellow River, and Fu Yue once built walls at Fu Rock. The whole world knew they were virtuous, yet none among the officials in court was willing to recommend them. This is precisely due to their own self-interest. Alas! Everyone's hearts are full of calculations of gain and loss, and outside, there is constant attack and criticism like spears and halberds. Who can recognize the presence of a sage like Yu Shun or a virtuous man like Fu Yue in such circumstances? The Yellow River is not originally the place where the throne was passed down, and Fu Rock is not originally the way to seek a prime minister. They were once among the millions, yet later they stood above the millions, how greatly different before and after! Yet the records must be written this way, because they value "name"—once the name is established, the virtuous person is seen.

《易》曰：“坎有孚，維心亨，行有尚。”中正行險，往且有功，雖危無咎，能自信故也，伊尹以之。是知古之人患名過實者，有之矣。其間有幸與不幸者，雖聖人，力有不及者矣。伊尹行冢宰，居責成之地，借使避放君之名，豈曰不忠乎？則天下之事去矣，又安能正嗣君，成終始之大忠者乎？籲！若委寄於匪人，三年之間，其如嗣君何？則天下之事亦去矣，又安有伊尹也？“坎有孚，維心亨”，不亦近之乎？

The Hexagram Statement of the Kan hexagram in The Zhou Changes says: "Being trapped in a dangerous situation yet maintaining sincerity in one's heart, only through inner harmony can one's actions be esteemed by others." By walking through peril with the virtue of uprightness and correctness, one can accomplish tasks even in dangerous circumstances, avoiding calamity through self-confidence. This is exactly how Yi Yin acted. From this we can see that among ancients, there were indeed those whose reputation surpassed their actual deeds. There is a distinction between fortune and misfortune, and even sages have limitations in their power. Yi Yin held the position of Grand Minister, a role that required him to achieve results. If he had remained inactive to avoid the reputation of 'expelling the sovereign,' would others not accuse him of disloyalty? But if he had done so, the great affairs of the world would have been ruined, and he would have been unable to correct the young sovereign Taia and achieve the complete virtue of loyalty. Alas! If the state were entrusted to an unsuitable person, within three years the young sovereign would have become what? The great affairs of the world would have been destroyed, and there would be no Yi Yin in the world. How fitting is the phrase 'Kan with sincerity, the heart is harmonious' when applied to Yi Yin!

《易》曰：“由豫，大有得，勿疑。朋盍簪。”剛健主豫，動而有應，群疑乃亡，能自強故也，周公以之。是知聖人不能使人無謗，能處謗者也。周公居總己當任重之地，借使避滅親之名，豈曰不孝乎？則天下之事去矣，又安能保嗣君，成終始之大孝乎？籲！若委寄於匪人，七年之間，其如嗣君何？則天下之事亦去矣，又安有周公也？“由豫，大有得，勿疑。朋盍簪。”不亦近之乎？

The Zhou Changes, the Book of Yu, line nine in the fourth hexagram says: "People follow him and enjoy happiness, gaining much, without hesitation, friends will gather quickly like hair fastened with a hairpin." With a strong and virtuous virtue, he leads the joyful and harmonious situation, one move and all respond, all doubts thus dissipate, relying on self-strengthening, the Duke of Zhou is just such a person. From this we can see, sages cannot prevent people from slandering themselves, they can only properly dwell in slander. The Duke of Zhou took charge of government, assuming the responsibility of all officials; if he had hesitated to avoid the evil name of "executing his close brothers," would others not accuse him of being unfilial? But if he had done so, the great affairs of the world would have been ruined, how could he have protected the young king Cheng and achieved the great filial piety of beginning and end? Alas! If the state affairs were entrusted to an unsuitable person, within seven years, the young king would become what? The great affairs of the world would also be ruined, and there would be no Duke of Zhou in the world. "By joy, great gain, do not doubt, friends gather like hair fastened with a hairpin" these words applied to the Duke of Zhou, are they not very appropriate?

夫天下將治，則人必尚行也。天下將亂，則人必尚言也。尚行則篤實之風行焉，尚言則詭譎之風行焉。天下將治，則人必尚義也。天下將亂，則人必尚利也。尚義則謙讓之風行焉，尚利則攘奪之風行焉。三王，尚行者也；五伯，尚言者也。尚行者必入於義也，尚言者必入於利也。義利之相去，一何遠之若是耶？

When the world is about to be greatly governed, people will certainly value and practice righteousness; when the world is about to be greatly chaotic, people will certainly value and talk about empty words. Valuing and practicing leads to a风气 of sincerity and earnestness; valuing and talking about empty words leads to a风气 of deceit and cunning. When the world is about to be greatly governed, people will certainly value righteousness; when the world is about to be greatly chaotic, people will certainly value profit. Valuing righteousness leads to a风气 of humility and courtesy; valuing profit leads to a风气 of contention and theft. The Three Kings valued and practiced, while the Five Hegemons valued and talked about empty words. Those who value and practice will inevitably return to righteousness, while those who value and talk about empty words will inevitably return to profit. How far apart righteousness and profit are, how they have reached such a state!

是知言之於口，不若行之於身；行之於身，不若盡之於心。言之於口，人得而聞之；行之於身，人得而見之；盡之於心，神得而知之。人之聰明猶不可欺，況神之聰明乎？是知無愧於口，不若無愧於身；無愧於身，不若無愧於心。無口過易，無身過難；無身過易，無心過難。心既無過，何難之有？籲！安得無心過之人，而與之語心哉！是知聖人所以能立無過之地者，謂其善事於心者也。

From this we can see that speaking is not as good as acting, and acting is not as good as doing it thoroughly in the heart. Speaking is heard by others; acting is seen by others; but doing it thoroughly in the heart is known only by the gods. Human ears and eyes cannot be deceived, how much less can the ears and eyes of the gods? Therefore, being guiltless in words is not as good as being guiltless in actions; being guiltless in actions is not as good as being guiltless in the heart. It is easy to have no faults in words, but difficult to have none in actions; it is easy to have none in actions, but even more difficult to have none in the heart. If the heart has no faults, what else is difficult? Alas! Where can we find a person whose heart has no faults, so that we may discuss the matter of the "heart" with him? Therefore, the reason why the sage can stand on the position of no faults is because he is good at working on his heart.

仲尼曰：“《韶》，盡美矣，又盡善也；《武》，盡美矣，未盡善也。”又曰：“管仲相桓公，霸諸侯，一匡天下，民到於今受其賜。微管仲，吾其被髮左衽矣。”是知武王雖不逮舜之盡善盡美，以其解天下之倒懸，則下於舜一等耳。桓公雖不逮武王之應天順人，以其霸諸侯一匡天下，則高於狄亦遠矣。以武比舜，則不能無過；比桓，則不能無功。以桓比狄，則不能無功；比武，則不能無過。

Confucius said, "The music of Shao is fully beautiful and fully good; the music of Wu is fully beautiful, but not yet fully good." He also said, "Guan Zhong assisted Qi Huan Gong, became the hegemon among the feudal lords, and restored order to the world in one move. The people have still benefited from his kindness to this day. If there had been no Guan Zhong, we might have been wearing our hair loose and wearing our robes with the left side in front, having become like the barbarians." From this, we can see that King Wu of Zhou, although not as fully good and beautiful as Yu Shun, saved the world from chaos, so he was only one step below Yu Shun. Qi Huan Gong, although not as in harmony with heaven and people as King Wu, became the hegemon among the feudal lords and restored order to the world, thus being far superior to the barbarians. Comparing King Wu with Yu Shun, King Wu appears to have shortcomings; comparing King Wu with Qi Huan Gong, King Wu appears to have achievements. Comparing Qi Huan Gong with the barbarians, Qi Huan Gong has achievements; comparing Qi Huan Gong with King Wu, Qi Huan Gong appears to have shortcomings.

漢氏宜立乎桓武之間矣。是時也，非會天下之民厭秦之暴且甚，雖十劉季、百子房，其如人心之未易何？且古今之時則異也，而民好生惡死之心非異也。自古殺人之多，未有如秦之甚，天下安有不厭之乎？夫殺人之多，不必以刃。謂天下之人無生路可趨也，而又況以刃多殺天下之人乎？

The position of the Han dynasty should be placed between the Duke of Qi and King Wu of Zhou. At that time, if it had not been precisely the case that the people across the land had reached the extreme of hating the tyranny of the Qin dynasty, then even with ten Maos and a hundred Zhangs, facing the people's unwillingness to change their minds easily, what could they do? Moreover, although the circumstances of the past and present are different, the people's desire for life and aversion to death have not changed. Since ancient times, no dynasty has killed more people than the Qin dynasty. How could the people not detest it? In fact, killing does not necessarily require a blade. Forcing the people to a point where they have no way out is already killing. And the Qin dynasty actually used blades to massacre the people extensively.

秦二世，萬乘也，求為黔首而不能得；漢劉季，匹夫也，免為元首而不能已。萬乘與匹夫，相去有間矣。然而有時而代之者，謂其天下之利害有所懸之耳。天之道，非禍萬乘而福匹夫也，謂其禍無道而福有道也；人之情，非去萬乘而就匹夫也，謂其去無道而就有道也。萬乘與匹夫，相去有間矣。然而有時而代之者，謂其直以天下之利害有所懸之耳。

Qin Ershi, who was a ruler of a million chariots, in the end could not even become an ordinary commoner; Han Gaozu, who was originally a common man, could not avoid being made the supreme leader. The difference in status between a ruler of a million chariots and a common man is extremely great, yet one day they could switch places. The reason is that the interests of the world have already been clearly laid out. The principle of heaven is not to bring calamity to the ruler of a million chariots and blessings to the common man, but to bring calamity to the unjust and blessings to the virtuous. The common sentiment of people is not to leave the ruler of a million chariots to follow the common man, but to leave the unjust to follow the virtuous. The difference in status between a ruler of a million chariots and a common man is extremely great, yet one day they could switch places. The reason is that the interests of the world have already been clearly laid out. These two sections at the beginning and end of this passage are almost the same, which is Shao Yong's method of emphasizing his point repeatedly, not a mistake in copying.

日既沒矣，月既望矣，星不能不希矣。非星之希，是星難乎其為光矣。能為其光者，不亦希乎？漢唐既創業矣，呂武既擅權矣，臣不能不希矣。非臣之希，是臣難乎其為忠矣。能為其忠者，不亦希乎？

The sun has already set, the moon is already full, and the stars cannot help but appear sparse. It is not that the stars have actually become fewer, but under the brilliance of a full moon, the stars find it difficult to show their own light; those stars that can still shine as usual at such a time are not also exceptionally rare? This is a metaphor: the foundations of the Han and Tang dynasties were established by their founding emperors (like the setting sun), and then the empresses such as Lu Zhi and Wu Zetian seized power alone (like the full moon), so loyal ministers could not help but become scarce. It is not that loyal ministers are actually fewer, but under the circumstances of power shifting away from the emperor, ministers find it hard to fully express their loyalty; those who can still remain loyal at such a time are not also exceptionally rare?

是知成天下事易，死天下事難；死天下事易，成天下事難。苟能成之，又何計乎死與生也？如其不成，雖死奚益？況其有正與不正者乎？與其死於不正，孰若生於正？與其生於不正，孰若死於正？在乎忠與智者之一擇焉。

From this we can see: from one perspective, accomplishing great affairs of the world is still relatively easy, but dying for such great affairs is difficult; from another perspective, dying for great affairs is still relatively easy, but accomplishing them is difficult. If this is the case, then why should one worry about life or death if the affair can be accomplished? If the affair cannot be accomplished, then even if one dies, what benefit is there? Moreover, there is a distinction between acting in accordance with the right path and acting against it. It is better to live in the right path than to die on an unjust path; it is also better to die on the right path than to live on an unjust path. In the end, it all depends on how the loyal ministers and wise men choose to act in the present moment.

死固可惜，貴乎成天下之事也。如其敗天下之事，一死奚以塞責？生固可愛，貴乎成天下之事也。如其敗天下之事，一生何以收功？噫！能成天下之事，又能不失其正而生者，非漢之留侯、唐之梁公而何？微斯二人，則漢唐之祚或幾乎移矣！豈若虛生虛死者焉？夫虛生虛死者，譬之蕭艾。忠與智者，不遊乎其間矣。

Death is indeed regrettable, but its value lies in the fact that it can accomplish great affairs for the world; if the world's affairs are instead ruined by oneself, what can one's death possibly atone for? Life is naturally precious, and its value also lies in the fact that this life can accomplish great affairs for the world; if the world's affairs are instead ruined by oneself, living for a lifetime can bring about what benefit? Alas! One who can accomplish great affairs for the world and yet preserve one's life without losing the right path, besides the Han dynasty's Liú Hóu Zhang Liang and the Tang dynasty's Liáng Guó Gōng Di Rén Jié, who else could it be? Zhang Liang used the strategy of the "Four Elders of Shāng Mountain" to stabilize the crown prince, and Di Rén Jié strongly advised Wu Zetian to restore the son of the former emperor Li Xian. Without these two men, the dynastic succession of Han and Tang might have fallen into the hands of the Lü clan and the Wu clan. Such people are incomparable to those who live in vain and die in vain. Those who live and die in vain are like the "xiāo" and "ài" plants in the fields—The "Lí Sao" uses these two odorless, lowly herbs to symbolize petty men who have degenerated from fragrant grass; loyal ministers and wise men would never be found among such people.

仲尼曰：“善人為邦百年，亦可以勝殘去殺矣。”誠哉是言也。自極亂至於極治，必三變矣。三皇之法無殺，五伯之法無生，伯一變至於王矣，王一變至於帝矣，帝一變至於皇矣。其於生也，非百年而何？是知三皇之世如春，五帝之世如夏，三王之世如秋，五伯之世如冬。如春，溫如也；如夏，燠如也；如秋，悽如也；如冬，冽如也。

Confucius said in the "Analects · Zilu" that "If a virtuous person governs the country for a hundred years, he can transform the cruel and abolish the punishment of killing." This statement is indeed correct. To move from a very chaotic era to a very peaceful era, one must necessarily go through three transformations. In the political systems of the "Three Emperors," there was no killing; in the political systems of the "Five Hegemons," there was no fostering of life. From "Hegemon" to "King," from "King" to "Emperor," and from "Emperor" to "Emperor," there is one transformation each time. To fully implement these three transformations in terms of fostering life, how could a period of less than a hundred years be sufficient? Therefore, we can understand that the era of the Three Emperors is like spring, the era of the Five Emperors is like summer, the era of the Three Kings is like autumn, and the era of the Five Hegemons is like winter. Just as spring is gentle, summer is hot, autumn is clear and bleak, and winter is cold and severe.

春夏秋冬者，昊天之時也。《易》、《書》、《詩》、《春秋》者，聖人之經也。天時不差，則歲功成矣；聖經不貳，則君德成矣。天有常時，聖有常經。行之正則正矣，行之邪則邪矣。邪正之間，有道在焉。行之正則謂之正道，行之邪則謂之邪道。邪正之由人乎？由天乎？

Spring, summer, autumn, and winter are the four seasons of the heavens' operation; The Book of Changes, The Book of Documents, The Book of Poetry, and The Spring and Autumn Annals are the four classics left by the sages. Shao Yong matched these two groups one by one: The Book of Changes corresponds to spring, The Book of Documents to summer, The Book of Poetry to autumn, and The Spring and Autumn Annals to winter. This corresponds to the four eras of the Three Emperors, the Five Emperors, the Three Kings, and the Five Hegemons. The heavenly timing does not err, and the harvest of the year is completed; the sages' classics do not produce confusion, and the ruler's virtue is cultivated. Heaven has constant seasons, and the sages have constant principles. To follow them is righteousness; to deviate from them is wrong. Between right and wrong, there is a 'Dao' in the middle: following it is called 'the righteous path'; deviating from it is called 'the wrong path'. Then, does right and wrong depend on people or on heaven?

天由道而生，地由道而成，物由道而行。天地人物則異也，其於由道一也。夫道也者，道也。道無形，行之則見於事矣。如道路之道坦然，使千億萬年行之，人知其歸者也。

The answer to the previous question lies in the concept of "Dao." Heaven comes into being through "Dao," Earth takes form through "Dao," and all things operate through "Dao." Although Heaven, Earth, humans, and objects are different from each other, they all share the same origin in "Dao." The term "Dao" originally refers to the path people walk on. "Dao" itself has no physical form; it only becomes evident when followed in practical matters. It is like a wide road that is flat and laid out, allowing billions of people to walk on it over countless years. Everyone knows where it leads.

或曰君子道長，則小人道消。君子道消，則小人道長。長者是，則消者非也。消者是，則長者非也。何以知正道邪道之然乎？籲！賊夫人之論也，不曰君行君事，臣行臣事，父行父事，子行子事，夫行夫事，妻行妻事，君子行君子事，小人行小人事，中國行中國事，僭竊行僭竊事，謂之正道；君行臣事，臣行君事，父行子事，子行父事，夫行妻事，妻行夫事，君子行小人事，小人行君子事，中國行僭竊事，僭竊行中國事，謂之邪道。

Some people say: the way of the gentleman grows, and the way of the petty person declines; when the way of the gentleman declines, the way of the petty person grows. If the growing side is right, then the declining side is wrong; if the declining side is right, then the growing side is wrong. According to this view, how can we distinguish between the right path and the wrong path? Alas, this is a harmful argument! Why not say instead: the sovereign should do what a sovereign should do, the minister what a minister should do, the father what a father should do, the son what a son should do, the husband what a husband should do, the wife what a wife should do, the gentleman what a gentleman should do, and the petty person what a petty person should do. The Central States, being the orthodox realm, should act according to the orthodox way, while the usurpers and rebels, being the rebellious regimes, should act according to their own way. This is called the 'right path'. Conversely, if the sovereign does what a minister should do, the minister does what a sovereign should do, the father does what a son should do, the son does what a father should do, the husband does what a wife should do, the wife does what a husband should do, the gentleman does what a petty person should do, and the petty person does what a gentleman should do; if the Central States act like the usurpers, and the usurpers act like the Central States, this is called the 'wrong path'.

至於三代之世治，未有不治人倫之為道也；三代之世亂，未有不亂人倫之為道也。後世之慕三代之治世者，未有不正人倫者也；後世之慕三代之亂世者，未有不亂人倫者也。自三代而下，漢唐為盛，未始不由治而興，亂而亡，況其不盛於漢唐者乎？其興也，又未始不由君道盛、父道盛、夫道盛、君子之道盛、中國之道盛；其亡也，又未始不由臣道盛、子道盛、妻道盛、小人之道盛、夷狄之道盛。

When it comes to the prosperous eras of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, none of them did not regard the regulation of human relationships as the "Dao" (way); and in their chaotic periods, none of them did not regard the disruption of human relationships as the "Dao." Later generations who admired the prosperous eras of the Three Dynasties did not fail to correct human relationships; and those who followed the chaotic periods of the Three Dynasties did not fail to disrupt human relationships. Since the Three Dynasties, the Han and Tang dynasties were the most flourishing. They were all established through order and destroyed through chaos. How much more so for dynasties that were not as flourishing as the Han and Tang? When they rose, none of them was not due to the flourishing of the ruler's way, the father's way, the husband's way, the gentleman's way, and the Central Plains' way. When they fell, none of them was not due to the flourishing of the minister's way, the son's way, the wife's way, the petty person's way, and the barbarian's way. The rulers being overpowered by those below is precisely the sign of inverted human relationships.

噫！二道對行，何故治世少而亂世多耶？君子少而小人多耶？曰：“豈不知陽一而陰二乎？”天地尚由是道而生，況其人與物乎？人者，物之至靈者也。物之靈未若人之靈，物尚由是道而生，又況人靈於物者乎？是知人亦物也，以其至靈，故特謂之人也。

Alas! The paths of righteousness and wickedness both exist in the world, yet why are times of peace rare and times of chaos common? Why are virtuous people few and petty people many? The answer is: Do you not know that "Yang is one and Yin is two"? In the Yi Jing, Yang is an odd number and represents one, while Yin is an even number and represents two. Yin is inherently twice as much as Yang. Even heaven and earth are formed according to this ratio, let alone people and things. Humans are the most sentient among all things. The sentience of things is less than that of humans, yet things still follow this principle for their formation. How much more so should sentient beings, who are more sentient than all things, follow this principle? From this we can see: humans are also things, but because they are the most sentient of all, they are specially called "humans."

日經天之元，月經天之會，星經天之運，辰經天之世。以日經日，則元之元可知之矣；以日經月，則元之會可知之矣；以日經星，則元之運可知之矣；以日經辰，則元之世可知之矣。以月經日，則會之元可知之矣；以月經月，則會之會可知之矣；以月經星，則會之運可知之矣；以月經辰，則會之世可知之矣。以星經日，則運之元可知之矣；以星經月，則運之會可知之矣；以星經星，則運之運可知之矣；以星經辰，則運之世可知之矣。以辰經日，則世之元可知之矣；以辰經月，則世之會可知之矣；以辰經星，則世之運可知之矣；以辰經辰，則世之世可知之矣。

The sun moves in the sky, with its course marked by "yuan"; the moon moves, with its course marked by "hui"; stars move, with their course marked by "yun"; and the constellations move, with their course marked by "shi". This matches the four celestial phenomena—sun, moon, stars, and constellations—with the four levels of time units—yuan, hui, yun, and shi. The sun is the most exalted and largest, so it is paired with the largest time unit, "yuan" (129,600 years); the moon is next, paired with "hui" (10,800 years); stars are next, paired with "yun" (360 years); and constellations are the smallest, paired with "shi" (30 years). Once this pairing is established, the two can be interwoven and used as a framework for calculation: using the sun as the reference for the sun, "yuan within yuan" can be calculated; using the sun as the reference for the moon, "yuan within hui" can be calculated; using the sun as the reference for stars, "yuan within yun" can be calculated; and using the sun as the reference for constellations, "yuan within shi" can be calculated. Using the moon as the reference for the sun, "hui within yuan" can be calculated; using the moon as the reference for the moon, "hui within hui" can be calculated; using the moon as the reference for stars, "hui within yun" can be calculated; and using the moon as the reference for constellations, "hui within shi" can be calculated. Using stars as the reference for the sun, "yun within yuan" can be calculated; using stars as the reference for the moon, "yun within hui" can be calculated; using stars as the reference for stars, "yun within yun" can be calculated; and using stars as the reference for constellations, "yun within shi" can be calculated. Using constellations as the reference for the sun, "shi within yuan" can be calculated; using constellations as the reference for the moon, "shi within hui" can be calculated; using constellations as the reference for stars, "shi within yun" can be calculated; and using constellations as the reference for constellations, "shi within shi" can be calculated.

元之元一，元之會十二，元之運三百六十，元之世四千三百二十；會之元十二，會之會一百四十四，會之運四千三百二十，會之世五萬一千八百四十；運之元三百六十，運之會四千三百二十，運之運一十二萬九千六百，運之世一百五十五萬五千二百；世之元四千三百二十，世之會五萬一千八百四十，世之運一百五十五萬五千二百，世之世一千八百六十六萬二千四百。

"The 'original original' is one, the 'original gathering' is twelve, the 'original cycle' is three hundred and sixty, and the 'original era' is four thousand three hundred and twenty; the 'gathering original' is twelve, the 'gathering gathering' is one hundred and forty-four, the 'gathering cycle' is four thousand three hundred and twenty, and the 'gathering era' is fifty-one thousand eight hundred and forty; the 'cycle original' is three hundred and sixty, the 'cycle gathering' is four thousand three hundred and twenty, the 'cycle cycle' is one hundred and twenty-nine thousand six hundred, and the 'cycle era' is one million five hundred and fifty-five thousand two hundred; the 'era original' is four thousand three hundred and twenty, the 'era gathering' is fifty-one thousand eight hundred and forty, the 'era cycle' is one million five hundred and fifty-five thousand two hundred, and the 'era era' is one million eight hundred and sixty-six thousand two hundred and forty. All these numbers are derived by multiplying pairs: one yuan includes twelve gatherings, three hundred and sixty cycles, and four thousand three hundred and twenty eras, so yuan is taken as one, gathering as twelve, cycle as three hundred and sixty, and era as four thousand three hundred and twenty; twelve multiplied by twelve gives one hundred and forty-four, twelve multiplied by three hundred and sixty gives four thousand three hundred and twenty, twelve multiplied by four thousand three hundred and twenty gives fifty-one thousand eight hundred and forty, three hundred and sixty multiplied by itself gives one hundred and twenty-nine thousand six hundred, three hundred and sixty multiplied by four thousand three hundred and twenty gives one million five hundred and fifty-five thousand two hundred, and four thousand three hundred and twenty multiplied by itself gives one million eight hundred and sixty-six thousand two hundred and forty."

元之元，以春行春之時也；元之會，以春行夏之時也；元之運，以春行秋之時也；元之世，以春行冬之時也。會之元，以夏行春之時也；會之會，以夏行夏之時也；會之運，以夏行秋之時也；會之世，以夏行冬之時也。運之元，以秋行春之時也；運之會，以秋行夏之時也；運之運，以秋行秋之時也；運之世，以秋行冬之時也。世之元，以冬行春之時也；世之會，以冬行夏之時也；世之運，以冬行秋之時也；世之世，以冬行冬之時也。

Here we pair the four concepts of Yuan, Hui, Yun, and Shi with the four seasons: Yuan corresponds to spring, Hui to summer, Yun to autumn, and Shi to winter. The first character refers to the inherent nature of this period, while the second refers to the season it encounters. Thus, "Yuan within Yuan" means using spring to follow the season of spring; "Yuan within Hui" means using spring to follow the season of summer; "Yuan within Yun" means using spring to follow the season of autumn; and "Yuan within Shi" means using spring to follow the season of winter. "Hui within Yuan" means using summer to follow the season of spring; "Hui within Hui" means using summer to follow the season of summer; "Hui within Yun" means using summer to follow the season of autumn; and "Hui within Shi" means using summer to follow the season of winter. "Yun within Yuan" means using autumn to follow the season of spring; "Yun within Hui" means using autumn to follow the season of summer; "Yun within Yun" means using autumn to follow the season of autumn; and "Yun within Shi" means using autumn to follow the season of winter. "Shi within Yuan" means using winter to follow the season of spring; "Shi within Hui" means using winter to follow the season of summer; "Shi within Yun" means using winter to follow the season of autumn; and "Shi within Shi" means using winter to follow the season of winter. When these are paired, the warmth and coldness of the world and its course are thus distinguished.

皇之皇，以道行道之事也；皇之帝，以道行德之事也；皇之王，以道行功之事也；皇之伯，以道行力之事也。帝之皇，以德行道之事也；帝之帝，以德行德之事也；帝之王，以德行功之事也；帝之伯，以德行力之事也。王之皇，以功行道之事也；王之帝，以功行德之事也；王之王，以功行功之事也；王之伯，以功行力之事也。伯之皇，以力行道之事也；伯之帝，以力行德之事也；伯之王，以力行功之事也；伯之伯，以力行力之事也。

Human affairs are also arranged in the same format: the Emperor is paired with "Dao," the King with "De," the Duke with "Gong," and the Marquis with "Li." These four pairs multiply in pairs, resulting in sixteen combinations. Therefore, "the Emperor among Emperors" refers to using Dao to handle matters of Dao; "the Emperor among Kings" refers to using Dao to handle matters of De; "the Emperor among Dukes" refers to using Dao to handle matters of Gong; and "the Emperor among Marquises" refers to using Dao to handle matters of Li. "The King among Emperors" refers to using De to handle matters of Dao; "the King among Kings" refers to using De to handle matters of De; "the King among Dukes" refers to using De to handle matters of Gong; and "the King among Marquises" refers to using De to handle matters of Li. "The Duke among Emperors" refers to using Gong to handle matters of Dao; "the Duke among Kings" refers to using Gong to handle matters of De; "the Duke among Dukes" refers to using Gong to handle matters of Gong; and "the Duke among Marquises" refers to using Gong to handle matters of Li. "The Marquis among Emperors" refers to using Li to handle matters of Dao; "the Marquis among Kings" refers to using Li to handle matters of De; "the Marquis among Dukes" refers to using Li to handle matters of Gong; and "the Marquis among Marquises" refers to using Li to handle matters of Li. The first character represents the inherent level of this era, while the second character represents the actual path it follows. These two may not align, and the difference between order and chaos lies here.

時有消長，事有因革，非聖人無不盡之。所以仲尼曰：“可與共學，未可與適道。可與適道，未可與立。可與立，未可與權。”是知千萬世之時，千萬世之經，豈可畫地而輕言也哉？

At times, circumstances rise and decline, and worldly affairs involve both continuity and change. Except for the sages, no one can fully grasp the underlying principles. Therefore, Confucius said in the Analects, "One may share in studying with someone, but not necessarily in following the right path; one may share in following the right path, but not necessarily in maintaining steadfastness; one may share in maintaining steadfastness, but not necessarily in adapting to changing circumstances." From this, we can see that a thousand generations of changing circumstances and a thousand generations of enduring principles cannot be easily judged as if one were simply drawing a circle on the ground.

三皇，春也；五帝，夏也；三王，秋也；五伯，冬也。七國，冬之餘冽也。漢王而不足，晉伯而有餘。三國，伯之雄者也；十六國，伯之叢者也；南五代，伯之借乘也；北五代，伯之傳舍也。隋，晉之子也；唐，漢之弟也。隋季諸郡之伯，江漢之餘波也；唐季諸鎮之伯，日月之餘光也；後五代之伯，日未出之星也。

Three Emperors belong to spring, Five Emperors to summer, Three Kings to autumn, and Five Hegemons to winter; the Seven Warring States' heroes were the remaining cold air of winter. The Han dynasty was still lacking a bit to be called a King, while the Jin dynasty had more than enough to be called a Hegemon. The Three Kingdoms were the dominant ones among the Hegemons; the Sixteen Kingdoms were the ones rising up together among the Hegemons; the five dynasties of Southern Dynasties, namely Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen, were the Hegemons borrowing a chariot — the chariot did not belong to them, they only used it for a while; the five dynasties of Northern Dynasties, namely Yuan Wei, Eastern Wei, Western Wei, Northern Qi, and Northern Zhou, were the resting places for the Hegemons — staying for a while before moving on. The Sui dynasty was the son of the Jin dynasty, and the Tang dynasty was the younger brother of the Han dynasty, meaning they each inherited their own characteristics. The Hegemons of the warring states at the end of the Sui dynasty were like the remaining waves after the floods of the Yangtze and Han rivers; the Hegemons of the warring states at the end of the Tang dynasty were like the remaining light after the sun and moon had set; the five dynasties of the Later Five Dynasties, namely Later Liang, Later Tang, Later Jin, Later Han, and Later Zhou, were like the remaining stars lingering in the sky before dawn.

自帝堯至於今，上下三千餘年，前後百有餘世。書傳可明紀者，四海之內，九州之間，其間或合或離，或治或隳，或強或羸，或唱或隨，未始有兼世而能一其風俗者。籲！古者謂三十年為一世，豈徒然哉！俟化之必洽，教之必浹，民之情始可一變矣。苟有命世之人繼世而興焉，則雖民如夷狄，三變而帝道可舉矣。惜乎時無百年之世，世無百年之人。比其有代，則賢之與不肖，何止於相半也？時之難，不其然乎？人之難，不其然乎？

From the time of Emperor Yao to the present day, there have been more than three thousand years, spanning over a hundred generations. Whenever historical records clearly document events, throughout the four seas and the nine provinces, there have been times of unification and times of division, times of great prosperity and times of decline, times of strength and times of weakness, times of leading the way and times of following along. There has never been a dynasty that could maintain consistent customs for several generations in a row. Alas! The ancients called thirty years a "generation," not casually. It is only when education and moral influence have truly permeated and deeply penetrated that the people's sentiments can undergo a single transformation. If there were indeed successive generations of outstanding individuals arising in accordance with the times, then even if the people were as crude as the barbarians, after three transformations, the way of the "Emperor" could be established. Unfortunately, there is no continuous century in the course of time, and there are no people who live to be a hundred years old. When dynasties change, the proportion of virtuous individuals to the wicked is not merely half and half. Is this not the difficulty of the times? Is this not the difficulty of finding talent?